Ingredients: A corrupt ruler, a bunch of corrupt communities and 80 million ounces of naïve Egyptian society.Preparation: Preheat oven to inferno level. Mix all the ingredients to a smooth consistency, then pour the mixture into a large pan. Bake for 30 years and bon appetit! This simple recipe sums up what Egyptian economics expert Abdel-Khaleq Farouq's book Iqtsadiyat al-Fasad fi Misr (Economics of Corruption in Egypt). Farouq covers the period 1984 to 2010, tracking and tracing corruption and noting its effect on Egyptian society. His Arabic book will be a valuable study for future generations, as Farouq shows the reader, in a simple way, using authentic material, how far a corrupt economy can destroy a whole nation. He explains how a corrupt economy can destroy a nation's infrastructure: “It can harm people, the planet, behaviour, ethics and morals, which are an interconnected chain.” Farouq tackles in his book the three decades of economic changes and conditions, which led to huge corruption and political protest, starting with the Kefaya (Enough) Movement and ending in the January 25 revolution. The author says that the symptoms of corruption were no longer restricted to those traditional, well-known illegal practices like fraud, swindling, bribery and embezzlement, but had expanded till they reached “the sensitive nerves of our Egyptian society”. On the book's cover, Farouq poses a question under the main title: ‘How have Egypt and Egyptians been corrupted?' He later answers this, saying that there are two ‘corrupt ditches' which nourish each other. The first, which the author names the ‘Seniors' Ditch' or the ‘Seniors' Corruption', is composed of rulers, statesmen, businessmen, senior policemen and the governmental administration. The second is the ‘Juniors' Ditch' or the ‘Juniors' Corruption', whose members illegally compensate for their poverty by doing things like giving private lessons and accepting bribes for services rendered. These services extend to police stations, public hospitals, courts and many other governmental systems. Farouq notes that such corruption has given rise to another sort of corruption, the ‘Hidden Corruption', which means illegal practices that the author describes as a poisonous fungus, including prostitution, foreign currency trading, money smuggling, etc. He said the real menace was that that network of corruption took an institutional shape after Mubarak came to power in 1981. Every moneymaker and community of businessmen gathered round his family, resulting in the worst-ever secret corruption network in Egypt's history. This network looted vast sums of money and spoilt Egyptian society, say critics. In his book, published by Al-Shorouq Printing House in Cairo, the author analyses five facets of the corruption which has infected the country. Firstly, corruption and how it developed from an individual habit into something general; secondly, wasting development opportunities; thirdly, a corrupt communication sector; fourthly, a corrupt information and media sector; fifthly and lastly, financial policies aimed at boosting corruption. These ‘ingredients' were mixed together and the mixture used to grease the wheel of corruption. In Iqtsadiyat al-Fasad fi Misr, which was prepared with the help of economics experts Mohamed Ra'ouf Hamed and Nader el-Faragani, Farouq includes several examples of corruption, authenticated by documented figures, statistics and documents. It is a monster that has taken over Egypt and controls every aspect of our lives. The author recalls that Mubarak received an illegal commission during his negotiations for an aircraft deal with France in 1971, long before becoming president. Farouq even says that French Intelligence made a note of this. According to Farouq, late president Anwar Sadat ordered Mubarak to carry out negotiations with the French on behalf of Libya, as Libya did not have anyone who could negotiate this deal. Farouq has asked Egypt's ruling Military Council to investigate the case. He wants Egyptian Intelligence to ask its French counterpart for the files on the deal. He himself has documents about the alleged transcation. He also highlights the US aid case in which Mubarak and his partners became involved through a company called Escwa. Farouq claims Mubarak led the company secretly, in collaboration with a close businessman called Hussein Salem and other people, such as Munir Thabet, his brother-in-law. He explains that the US Justice Department discovered the company's invoices had been manipulated. It prepared a note to arrest and financially prosecute the heads of the company. Farouq marks the incident as the beginning of Mubarak's subjugation to US and demands an investigation. He says he has also documents to prove his case.
