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The Arab role in dialogue
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 30 - 09 - 2010

With the Palestinian political groups closer than ever to reconciliation, a successful outcome to the process will depend on an effective Arab role, writes Saleh Al-Naami
Said Al-Raymouni, 21, had good reason to feel relief when news came confirming that progress had been made in the national dialogue between Fatah and Hamas.
Al-Raymouni, who lives in the Al-Sabra district of Gaza City, is one of the many Palestinians personally suffering from the continued divisions in Palestinian ranks, because the Ramallah government's Ministry of Interior is refusing to renew his passport because he is suspected of being connected to Hamas.
This has made him unable to continue his studies in Turkey, and he cannot cross the border at Rafah because he does not have a passport.
The positive statements from Fatah and Hamas leaders in the wake of a meeting in Damascus between Fatah representatives and the head of Hamas's political bureau Khaled Meshaal has encouraged Al-Raymouni to believe that reconciliation is indeed at hand and he will be able to receive a passport to return to his studies in Turkey.
Palestinians in the West Bank in general are optimistic after the Damascus meeting and in the light of agreement on both sides that Egyptian proposals are open to discussion.
This breakthrough is a result of a secret meeting held in the middle of Ramadan between the Egyptian chief of General Intelligence, Omar Suleiman, and Meshaal in Mecca, where the latter was performing omra (minor pilgrimage).
Sources in Hamas confirm that Suleiman informed Meshaal that Cairo no longer objects to internal Palestinian understandings in tandem with the Egyptian reconciliation plan, if they are part of a Palestinian-Palestinian agreement.
Accordingly, Hamas's concerns regarding the Egyptian proposals can now be resolved through a new deal in conjunction with the proposals. This sudden breakthrough between Hamas and Cairo has also resulted in positive developments in the Palestinian national dialogue.
Sources speaking to the Weekly said that the encounter between Meshaal and Suleiman came after tensions had subsided between Hamas and Cairo, noting that a clear sign of improved ties was the release of Hamas security official Mohamed Dababsh, whom Israel accuses of playing a role in concealing the whereabouts of kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit.
Mohamed Naim, son of Health Minister Bassem Naim, was also released. According to informed Hamas sources, Meshaal and Suleiman agreed that Cairo will gradually begin releasing all Palestinian detainees held in Egyptian jails.
The sources said that the feeling among Hamas members was that the release of the detainees by the Egyptian authorities would take place according to the outcomes of forthcoming meetings between representatives from both sides.
They stressed that there was agreement to resume bilateral meetings between Egyptian intelligence officials and officials from Hamas and Palestinian Prime Minister in the Gaza Strip Ismail Haniyeh's government, in order to discuss issues of difference, whether in the national Palestinian dialogue or bilateral relations.
The sources said that Hamas officials had stated to Egyptian officials that the group was concerned to protect Egypt's national security. Contacts between Hamas representatives and Israel had not been suspended even at the tensest moments and despite the exchange of accusations on both sides.
Azzam Al-Ahmed, a member of Fatah's Central Committee and head of its parliamentary bloc who headed the group's delegation that met with Meshaal, expressed his optimism regarding imminent Palestinian reconciliation.
"The meeting in Damascus opened the door to optimism about achieving reconciliation, because it genuinely discussed differences between the two sides, most of which have been overcome," Al-Ahmed said.
"The meeting aimed to discuss diverging viewpoints that have prevented Hamas from signing [the Egyptian proposal]".
He added that two issues remain unresolved, and these will be discussed during a meeting to be held at the beginning of next month. He hoped that both sides would be able to reach agreement and begin tangible steps by signing the Egyptian plan, leading to reconciliation and the end of internal divisions.
However, Al-Ahmed did not reveal which two issues are still pending.
According to Ezzat Al-Reshq, a member of Hamas's political bureau, a meeting will soon bring together members of Fatah and Hamas, perhaps in Gaza or Damascus, to finalise agreements on pending matters not settled during the Damascus meeting.
"Bilateral meetings with Fatah aim to arrive at national reconciliation among the Palestinian factions on all issues in dispute, in order to issue a Palestinian-Palestinian document that will accompany the Egyptian proposal after it is signed," Al-Reshq said.
"This way, the Egyptian proposal and the joint memorandum of understanding will be references in implementation and binding on all parties."
He described the meeting with Fatah members as "a genuine beginning to end divisions and arrive at reconciliation as soon as possible," adding that "the meeting took place in a positive atmosphere, and we are optimistic about this being a true step to end divisions and arrive at reconciliation."
Al-Reshq said that the breakthrough would not have been possible without the Mecca meeting between Meshaal and Suleiman.
"The Meshaal-Suleiman talks paved the way for the meeting with Fatah," he said. "It is important to note that during the discussions, Suleiman told Meshaal that Cairo does not object to Palestinian-Palestinian understandings, even if they precede the signature of the Egyptian proposal."
Cairo was adamant, he said, that the Egyptian proposals are not revised, though any Palestinian- Palestinian agreement was not a problem. "If certain understandings are reached by the Palestinian parties, Cairo will take them into consideration and commit to them during the implementation of the reconciliation agreement. This was an important clarification, and accordingly a meeting was arranged between Hamas and Fatah," Al-Reshq said.
The Hamas official noted that there appeared to be genuine desire on both sides to achieve reconciliation, again emphasising that Egypt did not object to Palestinian-Palestinian understandings and had not issued any prerequisites that these be reached after the signing of the Egyptian plan.
Such understandings should be reached between Hamas, Fatah and other Palestinian factions. Al-Reshq said that the latest development "opens the door for the reconciliation process. We have always said that since our Egyptian brothers are refusing to revise their plan, and Hamas and other factions are concerned about some articles in it, the only way forward was to find creative solutions acceptable to all sides."
"I believe that what has been achieved is a good solution that is acceptable to everyone." Hamas "is not interested to show that one side has won and another lost, because we all lose if reconciliation is not reached," he said.
Despite such positive signs from both camps, Palestinian observers believe the outcome of the dialogue will depend on the surrounding environment and the influence of the various players.
The role of Israel in the national dialogue cannot be ignored, they point out, and although it will not be present during the discussions it will be influential in the success of the dialogue.
Observers believe that the Israeli role could cause the dialogue to fail, noting the issues of security and the security apparatus, which are major issues in the national dialogue.
It is not certain that Israel will allow the restructuring of the Palestinian Authority's security apparatus "on a national and professional basis," as Hamas has asked for, as have the majority of the Palestinian factions.
Israel believes this apparatus is a means towards improving the security of its settlers in the West Bank.
Observers argue that should the Palestinians agree to form a security apparatus on a "national and professional basis", Israel will simply prevent such a body from operating and will hunt down its leaders and members, as happened during the Al-Aqsa Intifada.
Much the same is true regarding the formation of a Palestinian government after reconciliation. Israel will not allow a government that includes members of Hamas to operate freely, observers say, as long as the group maintains its ideology and political position vis- à-vis Israel.
This has also been demonstrated by the number of Hamas cabinet members and parliamentarians who have been killed or arrested by Israel.
Regarding the restructuring of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) on new principles if all Palestinian parties agree to it, and its rebuilding on the basis of elections bringing in new leaders who are not Fatah members, who reject Oslo and who refuse to recognise Israel, there is also a question as to whether this new leadership would be permitted to operate in the West Bank.
Would other Arab regimes cooperate with it? These are some of the dilemmas facing the Palestinian national dialogue.
The success of the national dialogue will depend on an effective and firm Arab role that can limit Israel's scope for manoeuvre on the domestic Palestinian scene.
Meanwhile, the Palestinian players must demonstrate their flexibility in order to overcome the contested issues and arrive at reconciliation.


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