In Gaza, Abbas declaring elections in January is seen as a manoeuvre to force Hamas to sign the Egyptian reconciliation plan, writes Saleh Al-Naami Gamal El-Zahhar, 27, had good reason to be angry last week. Living in Khan Younis in southern Gaza he came to realise that his chances of marrying Shaimaa, a Palestinian girl living in Jordan whom he got engaged to a year ago after he met her while studying abroad, were slim. This realisation came after Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas decreed that 24 January 2010 would be the date to hold legislative and presidential elections. "To be honest, the last thing I care about is whether the elections are held or not," El-Zahhar told Al-Ahram Weekly. "But the announcement implies that chances of Palestinian reconciliation are very small, which means that the Rafah Crossing will remain closed for a long time still. In turn, the probability that I will be able to bring my fiancé here for our wedding has also slimmed considerably." This young man is not the only one who is recognising the implications of Abbas's announcement. There is Palestinian consensus that the decree -- if carried out -- is the last nail in the coffin of Palestinian national reconciliation. Hamas has strongly rejected Abbas's move, describing it as "a blow to efforts for reconciliation [and] to end divisions". Ayman Taha, a leading Hamas figure, warned that, "elections will not be held in Gaza in accordance with this decree since Abbas has lost his legitimacy and his presidency ended last January, and hence his decisions are void. He has no right to issue decrees or make decisions pertaining to the Palestinian people because it deepens national divisions." Taha added that, "Hamas, which participated in the 2006 legislative elections, respects democratic choices and their results. But we insist that the elections must be the fruit of reconciliation, not a substitute for it, as Abbas proposes them to be." He described the decree as "purely in response to US and Zionist pressure and a vivid example of the imbalance and national irresponsibility on the part of the Oslo team." Taha is holding Abbas responsible for the repercussions of his decisions, "which aim to deepen divisions and transform them into a historical, political and geographic fracture." He asserted that holding elections in the absence of national reconciliation "is the first step on the road to election rigging to suit Abbas and his people. The decree is a reflection of their true intentions regarding Palestinian reconciliation and honest political partnership." The head of Hamas's political bureau, Khaled Meshaal, on the other hand, insists that his movement is committed to reconciliation. In a speech from his residence in Damascus, Meshaal said that the decree has made the Hamas movement suspicious of Fatah's intentions. "We have knocked on the door of reconciliation in Arab and Muslims capitals, but it remains firmly shut in our face," he said. "For the other side, the aim of reconciliation is to take control of Gaza, fix elections and form a leadership that will negotiate with Netanyahu." He added that the Abbas decree would not force Hamas to retract its reservations to the Egyptian reconciliation plan. "We want to sign the agreement with all the other factions after close scrutiny of the proposal to ensure that it meets our conditions, serves our people and guarantees true and long- lasting reconciliation," argued Meshaal. He described the events that led to Hamas refusing the Egyptian offer, recalling that when he received the Egyptian proposal it appeared to contain clauses that were not agreed upon during previous rounds of talks. "Do we not have the right to scrutinise the language and to be vigilant about phrasing in a document pertaining to the Palestinian future?" he questioned. "If we do not examine it closely, then the entire deal could explode in our face." Hamas's criticism of the Abbas decree led to a war of words with Fatah representatives and officials in the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO). Yasser Abed Rabbo, member of the PLO's Executive Committee, attacked Hamas leaders for proclaiming that elections will not be held in Gaza in the absence of national reconciliation. "This is absolutely unacceptable because the Gaza Strip is part of the Palestinian people, and they are the ones who decide whether they will participate in elections or not," Abed Rabbo said. "It is not the decision of the Hamas gang and its advisory council." He further accused Hamas of receiving its orders from Tehran and Damascus, and warned that, "if they do not stop this folly, they will pay the political price with the Palestinian people." Meanwhile, Jebreel Rajoub, member of Fatah's Central Committee, defended Abbas's decree by saying it was constitutional and there were no other options left to take. Rajoub said Hamas was mistaken not to sign the Egyptian reconciliation plan, and that Fatah will not be held hostage to Hamas's positions. "Hamas cannot continue to hijack the Palestinian cause and more than one and a half million Palestinians in Gaza," he insisted. Other than Fatah, all Palestinian factions have to some degree or another objected to Abbas's decree. Nafeth Azzam, a leading figure in the Islamic Jihad described the decision as "a recipe to deepen divisions and thrust the Palestinian national issue into oblivion". Although the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) welcomed the decree as a "constitutional right", it insisted that elections should be held as part of national reconciliation. The presidential decree came at a time when tensions are high between Hamas and Cairo. An informed Palestinian source told the Weekly that Egypt is refusing to meet with any Hamas representatives if the aim of the visit is anything other than to sign its reconciliation offer, since Fatah has already done so. The source continued that some Hamas leaders did in fact request a meeting with Egyptian General Intelligence Chief Omar Suleiman to discuss the movement's concerns regarding the Egyptian proposal, but the Egyptian response was firm: Hamas must first sign the agreement before further discussion. "From the Egyptian response, it appears that tensions between the two sides are highly elevated," stated the source. A more pressing question at this point in time concerns possible scenarios in the wake of Abbas's presidential decree. Most Palestinian observers agree that by issuing the decree, Abbas is attempting to pressure Hamas to sign the Egyptian proposal, without revisions that rescind some of Fatah's gains in the agreement. Hani Habib, writer and columnist in the Palestinian Al-Ayyam newspaper, believes that issuing a presidential decree and carrying it out are not the same thing. "There is a big difference between a presidential decree scheduling the elections, and actually holding these elections," according to Habib. "The decree states the necessity to hold elections in all Palestinian areas, the Gaza Strip, West Bank and Jerusalem. But in reality, this cannot take place because of current Palestinian conditions." Habib further believes that the decree is only a manoeuvre on the part of Abbas to pressure Hamas to sign the Egyptian proposal without demanding revisions. "Any elections held according to this decree would be illegitimate," asserted Habib. "More importantly, it would give Hamas the pretext to hold legislative and presidential elections in Gaza, and this would sadly mean that divisions have now become constitutional differences, leaving no room for reconciliation for many years to come." This is especially true in light of the fact that this scenario would be supported by a number of Arab and regional parties, "who use the Palestinian issue as a factor in their foreign relations and political agenda," he added. Habib predicted that Abbas and Hamas would not hold separate elections in Gaza and the West Bank, saying that, "Whomever takes this step will shoulder the responsibility of this decision and its critical implications for the Palestinian national project." He also believes that the Palestinian people "will not accept any reasoning behind such a move, and it will be a blemish in Palestinian history". Habib further asserted that, "No one dares to take this grave step. Although our political record is not free of mistakes, this crime would not be allowed to pass." He believes that creating a joint leadership to oversee the administration of Palestinian affairs is a dire necessity. An indicator that the decree is primarily a tool of pressure against Hamas came in statements by Fatah MP Faisal Abu Shahla, who said that if Hamas agreed to the Egyptian plan without revisions, elections would be held 26 June 2010. "Fatah signed the proposal despite many concerns, including holding elections at the end of June next year," Abu Shahla said. "Fatah will commit to this date if Hamas commits to the proposal." He added that although the presidential decree is enforced by the constitution, "its implementation can be postponed on the condition of national reconciliation." Altogether there is a general feeling that the unfolding events are a game of dare between Fatah and Hamas, with each side working to improve its position in the national dialogue process. Although the war of words between the two flared up after Abbas's decree, all factors indicate that the announcement aimed to pressure Hamas to sign the Egyptian plan. And despite tensions between Cairo and Hamas, there are signs that representatives from Egypt, Hamas and Fatah will reach an understanding that will revoke the presidential decree, and at the same time ensure that Hamas retracts some of its conditions regarding the Egyptian offer.
