Anticipation of a war on Iraq is uniting sectarian Lebanon -- even if only for a moment. Mohalhel Fakih reports from Beirut To a stranger, it might appear that the Lebanese had just ended their civil war and were rejoicing at new-found national unity. More than a decade after guns fell silent here, politicians from across the ideological spectrum are hailing the Maronite Church's "historic message" to Syria and its vocal opposition to a US-led war on Iraq. Officials and the country's freewheeling media are now urging top leaders and the Maronite Church to engage in "serious" political dialogue with Syria. Maronite bishops, who not long ago sent shock waves through the country for openly calling on Syria to withdraw its troops from Lebanon, accusing Damascus of undermining its smaller neighbour's independence, hailed Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad's speech at the Sharm El-Sheikh Arab summit last week. The bishops said that Al- Assad's criticism of US plans to attack Iraq evidenced the leader's "wisdom and vision". The church's position was novel enough to prompt Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri to call for the launching of a "serious in-depth dialogue" that would have as one of its goals, strengthening Lebanese-Syrian ties. "It's a historic gesture and should be treated seriously... it requires a gesture in response," MP Walid Jumblatt, Druze leader and the head of the Progressive Socialist Party, commented. On Sunday, thousands of Lebanese and Palestinians, including political party officials and MPs, held a demonstration at Baabda presidential palace in Beirut before crossing the Syrian border and heading to Damascus where they held a rally opposing a US-UK war on Iraq. Speaking to a delegation representing the demonstration, Syrian President Al-Assad praised the church's position. "I reviewed the [latest] statement by the Maronite bishops which was positive... this demonstrates to everyone that there is no group in Lebanon today that is outside the [framework] of national consensus." Observers of the Lebanese political scene are speculating that another Gulf War might spur on further political reconciliation, a process that began following the 1975-1990 civil war. Fares Khashan, a well-informed commentator, argued that the Taif Accord, which ended the Lebanese civil war, was a direct consequence of the first Gulf War, when a US-led international and Arab coalition, which included Syria, ended Iraq's occupation of Kuwait. He hinted that further measures might materialise to ease tensions in the relationship between Syria and the Maronite Church. The Taif Accord stipulated a gradual redeployment of Syrian military forces -- a top opposition demand that has been taking place, after long delays. The most recent redeployment occurred last month when Syria withdrew some of its troops from northern Lebanon, in the third redeployment since Al-Assad became president. Although Lebanon's confessional-based constitution reserves a number of top posts for Maronites, including the presidency, opposition officials regularly claim that only those close to Syria enjoy authority. These days, however, some anti-Syria figures are upbeat, and a number of them even sat alongside government officials and pro-Damascus politicians at a special mass for peace in Iraq and the Holy Land that was led by Maronite Patriarch Cardinal Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir. Reflecting this mood were comments by prominent opposition MP Nassib Lahoud. "This atmosphere of confidence constitutes an opportunity that must not be missed in order to resist the planned war on Iraq and avert its dangers to Lebanon and the region... as well as to launch a comprehensive national dialogue on all issues of concern to the Lebanese people," he said. Similarly positive were remarks by the Maronite League, a group of politicians from the sect, who declared that the bishops' praise for the Syrian leader "opened a new page in Lebanese-Syrian relations". Agreement among Lebanon's 17 religious sects and parties over ties with Damascus is crucial to cement political stability in light of expectations that any war on Iraq would shake up the political map throughout the region. The Lebanese government is also eager to show itself as being stable at a time when it is calling for international support for its economic reform plan. Immediately after the patriarch made his gesture to Syria, in the form of a statement by bishops, President Lahoud told a group of legislators that his "doors are open to all those wishing to participate in any national action... to consolidate political life in the country and discuss ways to strengthen the unity of the Lebanese people". The implications of engaging Bkirki, the seat of the Maronite Church, in dialogue with Damascus or the president himself are enormous owing to the church's influence over opposition groups and parties -- with the exception of the staunchly anti- Syrian former Lebanese Army General Michel Aoun. General Aoun has been living in exile in Paris and has said he believes that Syria will be a US target following a possible war on Iraq. But observers here do not expect Patriarch Sfeir's gesture towards Syria to reduce the political influence he wields over a wide swathe of the Maronite community, which has traditionally been wary about Syria's involvement in Lebanese affairs. Those close to the church leader also appear to have taken that into account. As MP Naamatallah Abi Nasr who is close to Bkirki said, there is nothing "new" in the church's opposition to war or its "national stances".
