In spite of European countries' interests in Iran, the EU seems to be following the US's lead as Washington steps up its threats against Tehran, Mustafa El-Labbad reports Iranian-European relations have entered a new phase following the recent European Union (EU) summit in Greece. In its closing statement, the EU took a particularly hard line against Iran, demanding that Tehran sign the "additional protocol" on nuclear non-proliferation in accordance with which it would voluntarily accept international inspection of its nuclear installations. The announcement came as a shock to Tehran, which is a signatory to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT). According to that document and the regulations of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) the protocol is not obligatory. The EU's demands should consequently be assessed against the background of the prevailing international climate, in which various international powers have been distancing themselves from Iran in tandem with the escalating US campaign against Tehran. Russia, which had enjoyed excellent relations with Iran in recent years, has also begun to pressure Tehran as Moscow prepares to give its approval for the launching of an international arms inspection process in Iran -- a step that won President Vladamir Putin praise from Bush. In addition, Tokyo has prohibited Japanese petroleum firms from signing import and exploration agreements with Iran due to the current ambiguity of the situation. Iranian-European relations go back hundreds of years. Beginning in the age of Shah Abbas Al-Safawi, they developed rapidly by virtue of an expanding range of common interests. Regardless of the form of government in Tehran, Iranian security strategy has always depended on solid relations with Europe to bolster itself against the ambitions of powerful neighbours to the north, such as Russia and Turkey. Indeed, historians suggest that Iranian-European relations were given their initial impetus when Istanbul began to pressure Iran in a manner very similar to the current campaign by the administration of President George W Bush. As Iran controls the Persian Gulf and its access to the Indian Ocean, throughout history the country has been a quarry for great powers. In response it has sought to diversify its international relations. For their part, Europeans felt that relations with Iran were vital to their interests, initially because of its strategic position as a bridge to the Far East and later following the discovery of oil, of which Iran is one of the world's largest producers. Nor should we forget that Iran borders Turkey, which, if it joins the EU, would become Europe's south-eastern border. The hardening of the EU stance on Iran must also be seen within the context of that organisation's desire to enhance its global influence as a unified bloc. If Iran is the US's next target, the Europeans must reach a coordinated position on that issue. Although EU member countries are in general agreement over the broad outlines of the bloc's policy towards Iran, on closer inspection one discovers differences stemming from the pull of their individual interests. Spain, for example, which had departed from the EU position over Iraq, is much more moderate on Iran, and, even in the midst of Washington's growing threats against Tehran, has announced that King Juan Carlos will visit Iran this autumn. France, which has a long history of fluctuating relations with Iran, had hosted Ayatollah Khomeini before the revolution he led that ousted the shah. The country also had massive contracts with Iran to supply it with military equipment and spare parts and for infrastructure projects. France's arrest of Mariam Rajawi -- hailed as the next Iranian president by her supporters -- flew against the prevailing mood in the US and EU. Although, the move won France a pat on the back from Washington for having clamped down on the Mujahidin Al-Khalq, of which Rajawi is a member and which the US has included on its list of terrorist organisations, her arrest also strengthened France's relations with Iran, since the Mujahidin Al-Khalq is a major faction of the Iranian opposition. Britain, another nation with a history of strong relations with Iran, was compelled by its national interests to depart from the US line. Recently, Washington's number-one ally dispatched Foreign Secretary Jack Straw to Tehran, where Straw reaffirmed his government's alliance with Washington, but simultaneously expressed its opposition to the use of force against Iran. Contemporary British interests in Iran revolve around petroleum. Britain had controlled Iranian oil production through the British-Iranian Petroleum Company until 1951, when nationalist leader Mohamed Musaddeq nationalised the country's oil. Today, British petroleum interests are concentrated in the contracting potential of British Petroleum, which, like other European petroleum firms, such as the French Total Fina, stand to gain from the US boycott that prohibits American petroleum firms from investing in Iran. Nevertheless, Straw and his Iranian counterpart Kamal Kharrazi failed to see eye-to-eye on a number of issues, especially with regard to nuclear arms. Kharrazi insisted that his country had abided by its contractual obligations, and that the IAEA report had referred to "lapses" not "breaches" of its own criteria. Straw remained adamant that Tehran sign the "additional protocol". Of greater significance though, was Straw's statement during a joint press conference that the EU linked trade with Iran to its progress on the nuclear issue and human rights. The latter, according to analysts, was in reference to recent student demonstrations in Iran. European countries, mindful of their interests in Iran, particularly in the oil sector, face the difficult task of forging a united stance as Washington harps on the nuclear matter. Iran, meanwhile, has no desire to lose its largest commercial partner, Europe. In spite of the enormous domestic, regional and international pressure, Iran, judging from its past experience, may well handle the new situation with Europe in the manner advised by its great classical poet, Hafez, who wrote: "In difficult times... let the turbulent waves pass under the bridge."
