The Iraqi Baath Party in Syria held its first public event, which some Iraqis feel is a message from Damascus to Baghdad, posits Bassel Oudat in Damascus A bloc of Iraqi political parties and organisations which includes the banned Iraqi Baath Party held its first public meeting last week in the Syrian capital. Hundreds participated in the meeting sponsored by Iraq's National Democratic Front, which includes the Arab Socialist Baath Party in Iraq (the Mohamed Younes Al-Ahmed wing), the Iraqi Communist Party, the People's Union, representatives of Iraqi tribes, and a coalition of writers opposed to the occupation. The Iraqi politician General Mohamed Younes Al-Ahmed served in several positions in Iraq in the 1980s. He left for Damascus after the US invasion of Iraq, and currently leads one of the wings of the Iraqi Baath Party after it split in 2003 from under the leadership of Izzat Ibrahim Al-Douri, a key symbol of the exiled Iraqi regime. As a result of his decision to hold a party congress in Damascus in July 2006, the Iraqi government put Al-Ahmed on a list of 41 people wanted for funding and leading terrorist operations, and reorganising the banned and dissolved Iraqi Baath Party. At the end of the most recent meeting in Damascus, the leaders of the Baath Party (Al-Ahmed wing) asserted the importance of supporting the Iraqi resistance, and strongly opposed involvement in the political process in Iraq. The party's leadership announced that the two wings of the Baath Party "have a popular base inside Iraq which is fighting, organising and effectively continuing the work of the party". Ghazwan Kobeissi, a party official who previously served as governor of Mosul during Saddam Hussein's rule, refuses to participate in the political process in Iraq because it is "under the influence of foreigners and led by agents of Iran, the US and Israel". Kobeissi denied accusations that the Baath party was behind bomb attacks which took the lives of hundreds of Iraqis. "They are accusing every resistance fighter of being a Baathi," he said. "We are honoured to be part of the resistance; but for us, spilling Iraqi blood is sacrilegious." Those at the gathering insisted that there cannot be a true political process and free elections in Iraq under occupation. They stated that the Iraqi resistance is "a response to a legitimate right", adding that the goal of the meeting in Damascus is to send a message to the people of Iraq that Iraqis abroad support the resistance, closely monitor it and supply it with fighters. It was the first such meeting which was publicised in Damascus. As news of the meeting spread, the State of Law Coalition headed by Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Al-Maliki accused Syria of trying to impose the Baath party on Iraq's political system. The coalition felt that the congress was timed to coincide with efforts to form a new government in Iraq, and hence is an attempt by Syria to foil these efforts. It further stated that the Iraqi Constitution has banned the Baath Party. Some Iraqi circles believe that Syria is declaring its support of Iyad Al-Alawi's camp as opposed to Al-Maliki, whose tenure as prime minister has ended. Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad last week met Iyad Al-Samaraai, the leader of the Iraqi Al-Tawafuq Front and outgoing speaker of the Iraqi parliament. Days before the Baath gathering, Assad met with Deputy Iraqi Prime Minister Rafe Al-Essawi, and two days before that Iraqi Vice- President Adel Abdel-Mahdi was also in Damascus. Assad told the Iraqi visitors that Syria supports the people of Iraq and the return of security and stability in their land. Discussions also included the results of Iraq's parliamentary elections and the need for these elections to be the basis of uniting and unifying Iraq. Al-Assad further noted the importance of forming a new coalition government which includes all sectors of Iraqi society. When Saddam Hussein's regime was toppled in 2003 and the US invaded Iraq, Syria's policies were hostile towards the occupation of Iraq. Damascus was very leery of consecutive Baghdad governments, causing relations to sour between the two countries on several occasions. Damascus made public its animosity and caution towards Washington, but later gradually showed more flexibility under pressure from the US and other countries. Syria's leadership finally accepted some of the American demands regarding Iraq, deploying 10,000 soldiers along the border with Iraq, digging trenches and barricades, and limiting as much as possible the passage of armed mujahideen into Iraq. Damascus also received two Iraqi prime ministers, namely Al-Alawi and Al-Maliki, and a number of Iraqi officials, tribal leaders and political figures in the government such as Muqtada Al-Sadr and Abdel-Aziz Al-Hakim. But at the same time, its borders remained open to Iraqi refugees to escape the Iraqi regime as well as elements opposing the invasion, especially members of the Iraqi Baath Party and some figures in the Iraqi resistance. Relations between Damascus and Baghdad turned over a new leaf at the beginning of 2009, when the Syrian prime minister visited Iraq at the head of an official delegation including several ministers. Iraq's Prime Minsiter Al-Maliki visited Damascus in August, 2009, and signed several economic and political agreements. But only two days later, Baghdad recalled its ambassador to Damascus, Alaa Al-Gawadi, and demanded that Syria hand over activists in the Iraq Baath Party who are accused of plotting a series of bombings in Baghdad one day after Al-Maliki returned to Iraq. The bombs killed 95 Iraqis and injured more than 600. Iraq also demanded the expulsion of around 100 Iraqis living in Syria whom it says are "implicated in crimes of war and terrorism". The accusations against the Baathist members in Syria were based on videotaped confessions by one of the leaders of the banned Iraqi Baath Party (Al-Ahmed branch), who admitted his role in a suicide attack upon the orders of senior figure in the party, namely Saddam Farhan who is a former Iraqi army lieutenant also residing in Syria. The Baathist leader confessed that he was trained in Syria and that Syrian intelligence helped him enter Iraq to topple the Iraqi regime and take power back for the Baath Party. Syria adamantly refused to meet Iraq's demands, saying it was willing to meet with the Iraqis to review the evidence it has against the perpetrators of the attacks. Syria's Deputy Foreign Minister Faisal Moqdad did not deny the presence of Baathist leaders in Syria, but insisted he "cannot sacrifice a single Iraqi," without Iraq providing sufficient evidence. Before Iraq's parliamentary elections on 27 March, Al-Alawi, head of the Iraqi National Bloc, was in Damascus, and Syria demonstrated its full support of him and his camp. Several Iraqi politicians also went to Syria, especially opponents of Al-Maliki. Meanwhile, Syria is very cautious of the Kurds, whose leadership it hosted before the invasion, including Iraqi President Galal Talibani, because of their position regarding the US and a federacy, as well as their agreement with many Al-Maliki policies. There is a clear distinction between Syria's policies towards Iraq and Iran's outlook. Tehran supports a federacy and political sectarianism, while Syria adamantly refuses this model because it believes it would result in the division of Iraq and undermine Syria. If Al-Maliki forms the government, it is unlikely that the two sides will draw closer. If Alawi heads the government, however, or a national unity government is formed without Al-Maliki, relations will take off. Many observers believes there are many similarities between Syria's position and Saudi Arabia's view on the issue.
