It's not the first time that Syrian-Iraqi relations have hit a bump, rues Bassel Oudat in Damascus Only two days into the visit of Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Al-Maliki to Damascus, the aim of which was to strengthen political, economic and security relations between the two countries, the Iraqi government recalled its ambassador to Syria, Alaa Gawwadi, to "consult with him". Iraq demanded that militants from the Iraqi Baath Party be handed over, accusing them of being behind a series of bloody bomb attacks that took place in Baghdad on 19 August, a day after Al-Maliki began his visit to Damascus. The Baathists are accused of detonating a truck full of explosives which resulted in the death of 95 Iraqis and more than 600 wounded. Ali Al-Dabagh, spokesman for the Iraqi government, stated that the Iraqi Baathist leaders who live in Syria played a direct role in carrying out this dual-terrorist operation near the foreign and finance ministries. Al-Dabagh called for Syria to hand over all Iraqis wanted on charges of murder and destruction, and he called for the expulsion of "terrorist organisations" that use Syria as headquarters and a springboard. Iraq bases its accusations on the confessions of a former leader of the Iraqi Baathist Party (the Mohamed Younis Al-Ahmed wing), who accused Sattam Farhan, who resides in Syria, of being responsible for the suicide bombings. Farhan said that he had been trained in Syria and that Syrian intelligence helped him move into Iraq. Syria's response was almost immediate. The next day, an official Syrian source declared his country's "categorical rejections" of Iraq's demands. The source stressed Syria's readiness "to receive an Iraqi delegation that would brief Syria on the evidence against the perpetrators of these bombings. Syria suspects that what is being aired in the media is simply fabricated evidence that Iraq is using for internal political goals." In response to Iraq's recall of its ambassador in Damascus, the Syrian Foreign Ministry has decided to recall its ambassador in Baghdad, Nawaf Al-Faris. Syria expressed its regret that the relations between the two countries "were subject to internal disagreements and possibly foreign agendas". Syria considers that what is being broadcast in the Iraqi media is "fabricated evidence catering to internal political objectives," according to the Syrian Foreign Ministry. Newspapers described the Iraqi government spokesman's position as "madness and confusion", saying that Iraq was "throwing out accusations left and right" and that all the accusations were built up against Damascus because of the confession of one person who was arrested in Baghdad." Baghdad's Foreign Ministry went so far as demanding that the United Nations Security Council form an international criminal court to prosecute war criminals who planned and carried out war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity against Iraqi civilians. Baghdad has also decided that the ministries of interior and justice will organise extradition files of criminals wanted for terrorism. Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari confirmed this after a meeting with Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki. This indicates that the Iraqi government has decided to shift the bilateral dispute to international institutions. Although the "Islamic State of Iraq, the Iraqi branch of Al-Qaeda" began attacking the government on an Islamic website and said it "launched a new attack in Iraq called 'the battle of the prisoner'", Iraqi officials continue the search for an easier scapegoat, and to escalate their rhetoric against Damascus. These officials said that leaders of the dissolved Iraqi Baath Party were allied with Al-Qaeda in order to bring down the Iraqi state and to seize power. Adding to their charges of Syrian complicity in Iraq's woes, Iraqi officials claim that the Baathists were even provided with land by Syria to use as a base for their operations. Deputy politicians who are close to Al-Maliki say that Syrian promises during official exchanges to help Iraq and to support the security and political situation were "deception", noting that the demand for the extradition of "criminals" is a "natural and legitimate right". On the other hand, Iraq denied that the recalling of the ambassador was the beginning of a diplomatic crisis between the two countries. Ali Mousavi, media advisor to Al-Maliki, said that recalling the ambassadors "was done for the purpose of discussion and consultation of what can be done in the next phase, which does not in any way indicate a crisis or an escalation of any kind." Syria's position, on the other hand, was more extreme, and it confirmed that it would not return its ambassador to Iraq even if the situation calmed down. Iraq made it a condition for Syria to normalise relations that Damascus initiate extradition of those criminals who planned the recent bombings, in addition to 100 others who are accused of "being involved in war crimes and terrorism". Al-Dabagh said that Iraq "sent a list of names that had been requested a number of times from Syria during security committee meetings, but Syria has delayed in answering". He added: "Now, Iraq will not accept any more delays." Al-Dabagh stressed that Syrian-Iraqi relations "have reached a crossroads, either the Syrian government chooses good relations with Iraq or it chooses to protect those persons who are targeting Iraq." The Undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iraq Labid Abawi lived in Syria for many years as a refugee during the rule of Saddam Hussein. Abawi said: "We've seen Syria's refusal to sign a strategic agreement against terrorists. There must be an agreement, especially because we desire bilateral relations with Syria." Abawi called for Syria "to take practical steps towards eradicating terrorist groups." Syria confirmed it would not hand over any Iraqis to Baghdad without convincing evidence. The Syrian deputy foreign minister, Faisal Maqdad, did not deny the presence of Baathist leaders in his country; nevertheless, he was unwavering in his protection of them. Maqdad said that Syria "will not sacrifice a single drop of Iraqi blood," as long as Iraq does not provide proof of its accusations. Maqdad expressed his conviction that the Iraqi Baathists living in Syria had nothing to do with the bombings, saying that Iraq wanted to "pin the blame on people who were not involved". Commenting on the Iraqi decision, a senior Syrian politician told Al-Ahram Weekly that it "is incompatible with Syrian principles". He added: "Al-Maliki forgot that he and other current senior Iraqi officials were political refugees in Syria during Saddam Hussein's rule. Syria refused to hand them over to Iraqi authorities then." He continued: "Syria will not break its decades-old tradition of not handing over Iraqi refugees as long as they are not wanted criminals by a neutral court." For his part, Marwan Habash, a member of the national leadership and Syrian foreign minister, says that the chaos of Iraqi statements and their contradictions about the recent attacks in Baghdad "indicated that it had all been fabricated". Habash suspected many parties of being behind the random bombings in Iraq, and at the top of his list was Israeli intelligence. Habash told the Weekly : "Everyone knows that the suicide attacks and random bombings that kill Iraqi citizens are carried out by Israeli intelligence [Mossad] in collaboration with some groups in Kurdistan, Al-Qaeda and Iranian intelligence as well as with the collaboration of some armed Shia groups." And he added that "each group has its own goals. There are those who want instability in Iraq, those who want to kill non-Muslims and those who want to prove the inability of American forces to accomplish their mission in Iraq." These kinds of Iraqi charges aimed at Syria are nothing new. Years ago, Iraqis and Americans accused Damascus of facilitating the movement of insurgents across the border into Iraq to carry out attacks. However, the position of the Iraqi government this time was even harsher than American attitudes. The US has declared itself neutral and considers it "an internal matter for the Iraqi and Syrian governments," hoping "that this does not affect the dialogue between the two countries". Secretary-General of the Arab League Amr Moussa quickly made calls to Baghdad and Damascus in order to contain the crisis and confine it to an Arab context. Moussa called for direct dialogue in order to prevent escalation. Turkey offered to help, and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan called the Syrian president and the Iraqi prime minister in an effort to mediate between the parties to get the relations between the two countries back to normal. Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs Ahmet Davutoglu visited Damascus and Baghdad in the context of this mediation. Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki also visited both of the capitals and met with Al-Maliki and Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad to propose a conference of Iraq's neighbouring states to discuss the security situation in Iraq. A large number of Iraqi dissidents from the banned Baath Party live in Syria, as well as Iraqi army officers who came to Syria after the army was disbanded during the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. This group includes Mohamed Younis Al-Ahmed, a former colonel in the Iraqi army, who now leads one wing of the Baath Party in Iraq. Sattam Al-Farhan, former lieutenant in the Iraqi army is also within this group. Most of them support the Iraqi armed resistance. Syria hosts them and monitors their activities closely. The presence of an opposition to Baghdad in Damascus and the presence of refugees in both Syria and Iraq has long had an effect on the disputes between the two countries. Since the 1950s, there were waves of mutual political differences and coups in both countries, followed by waves of asylum-seekers during the 1950s and 60s. Former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein took refuge in Damascus after an assassination attempt on former Iraqi leader Abdel-Karim Kassem. Likewise, former Syrian president Mohamed Amin Hafez took refuge in Baghdad. The governments of both countries have continued throughout the decades to demand that their opponents be handed over, but neither country has ever responded to the demands. After the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the exodus of Iraqis to Syria increased, including a significant number of former Iraqi army officers. Iraqi refugees in Syria number about 1.5 million. The issue of extradition of political refugees to Iraq crosses Syria's "red line", particularly as most of them are members of the Iraqi Baath Party, the sister organisation to the Syrian Baath Party. Syria wants good relations between the two parties and for this party to be a key player in Iraq's present and future. Some observers are likely to think that the crisis between the two countries will last for years, especially since the Syrian officials do not conceal that their country has a relationship with all the political and social forces of Iraq. These officials emphasise that Syria could play an important role in Iraqi reconciliation, for it could contribute to calming the situation in Iraq and to contributing to Iraq's stability. Syrian political analysts think that in addition to the loss of political will in both countries, they are expecting the escalation of the Syrian-Iraqi dispute to lead to economic losses, such as a continuing delay in the agreement on sharing the waters of Tigris and Euphrates, allowing Turkey exclusivity to the water of the rivers, as well as delaying the extension of a new pipeline to transport Iraqi oil through Syria, and the postponement of the completion of transport infrastructure and transit of Iraqi goods imported via Syrian ports, as well as the establishment of industrial free zones between the two countries.
