Syrian President came to power 10 years ago, and the country's media has been marking the occasion, writes Bassel Oudat in Damascus A decade ago this week, a referendum was held in Syria that chose as president after his father, former president Hafez Al-Assad, died. The referendum confirmed the younger Al-Assad as president with 97.27 per cent of the votes cast, after the country's constitution had been amended to lower the age of candidates and enable the ruling Baath Party to nominate him as president. Al-Assad won another referendum in 2007, renewing his presidency as the Baath Party's sole candidate with 97.62 per cent of the vote. This was a slight increase on the 2000 result, despite the fact that the Syrian opposition boycotted the referendum. After taking office in 2000, Al-Assad listed his domestic and foreign policy priorities, promising a number of political and economic reforms. The Syrian people were optimistic about their new young president, who had lived in Europe for several years and was promising a new era of democracy, freedom and the fight against corruption. However, many of these early hopes have been dashed over the past decade, and many of Al-Assad's promises have been broken, especially those pertaining to domestic policy. Syrian officials have given many excuses why such promises have not been kept, citing outside pressures as obstacles to reforming the country's domestic and foreign policies. For its part, the Syrian opposition has also felt that the country's complicated system would not be able to withstand reform, and any sudden changes could result in the collapse of the entire system. Nevertheless, in the decade since he came to power, Al-Assad has adopted new priorities. Domestic reform has dropped down the agenda because of regional conditions and international pressures, meaning that greater priority has been given to security issues. Al-Assad has realigned the country's alliances in the light of changing circumstances, and he has modified the country's economic policies to meet growing stresses. In the first few years of his presidency, foreign policy was Al-Assad's greatest challenge. Threats against Syria escalated, and by 2007 the country had been isolated internationally, its relations with the US and Europe hitting rock bottom. US sanctions against Damascus began during Al-Assad's presidency, and they accumulated in quantity. Ties with Europe were strained, even severed at times, especially after the assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Al-Hariri, for which some in Lebanese circles blamed Syria. Syria's relationship with its eastern neighbour Iraq also became tense after the US-led invasion of the latter country in 2003 and the collapse of the Iraqi regime. The proximity of US troops to the Syrian border, as well as accusations that Damascus was backing fighters crossing the border into Iraq, also heightened tensions. Meanwhile, Syria's political ties to key Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt also became strained at a time when Damascus was aspiring to play a prominent regional and Arab role. Al-Assad revised Syria's international outlook as a result, nurturing economic, political and military relations with Iran and transforming them into a strategic alliance. He also extended the hand of friendship to enemies of his enemies by developing ties with North Korea, Venezuela and other countries. At the same time, he sought a strategic alliance with Turkey and publicly endorsed Palestinian, Lebanese and Iraqi resistance movements. In its coverage of 10 years of Al-Assad's rule, the Syrian media has asserted that over the past decade Syria has been able to "improve its capabilities and presence in the regional and international arena, while maintaining national principles." Al-Assad has been able to "establish a counter-trend extending from the Middle East to Latin America" and "foil attempts to divide the Arab world," while at the same time making Damascus "the capital of defiance and resistance." Nevertheless, Al-Assad had hoped that the country's relationships with Washington and European capitals would improve, especially after President Barack Obama came to power and signalled that the US might be willing to adopt a new attitude towards Syria, one based on dialogue rather than demands. Relations with Europe began heading in the right direction when several European leaders visited Damascus, including French President Nicolas Sarkozy. However, while Syria's relations with Europe have improved to some extent, two years after Obama's election ties with the US have not progressed because Syria has not been seen as ready to take the action needed to improve its position in the region. One thing that has remained constant throughout has been Al-Assad's position vis-à-vis peace in the Middle East. He has continued to refuse direct negotiations with Israel, and insisted on continuing indirect talks where they left off during his father's rule. Al-Assad has also argued that Washington must continue its sponsorship of the negotiations, in order to guarantee that any agreements will be implemented. In its criticisms of ten years of Al-Assad's rule, the country's opposition has insisted that the Syrian media has only focussed on the positive aspects of his policies and that it has ignored the negatives. Syrian officials have stressed that Al-Assad has improved the country's relations with Europe, repaired ties with Saudi Arabia, drawn closer to Turkey, created a strategic alliance with Iran, and made Syria an influential regional player. But, critics say, they have ignored Europe's cautious attitude towards Syria, resulting from the way Damascus has dealt with regional issues, its strained ties with Egypt, its controversial relationship with Iran that is of concern to many Arab allies, its failure in indirect talks with Israel, and its unclear relationships with Lebanon and Iraq. Regarding Al-Assad's economic record, opposition voices have criticised the government's economic and financial legislation, its openness towards foreign markets and liberalisation, and its adoption of a social market economy that marks a break with the socialist policies followed by Al-Assad's father. They also dislike the creation of a Syrian stock market and the government's allowing 13 insurance companies and 18 banks to work in the investment field, their having been banned from doing so after the Baath Party took power in 1963. Detractors say that unemployment rates have risen and living standards have dropped, putting 30 per cent of the population beneath the poverty line. Meanwhile, fat cats continue to monopolise the country's resources, even as some subsidies have been removed and the country's international isolation and US sanctions have negatively affected large state-owned sectors, such as aviation, industry, banking and technology. Syria's oil production has dropped by almost half over the past decade. Corruption is rife, and the country has been unable to realise the dream of concluding a Syrian- European partnership because it has rejected political aspects of the deal. Al-Assad has paid little attention to domestic policy during his ten years in office, though he has authorised the private-sector media, banned after the Baath came to power, and dozens of private radio stations, magazines and newspapers have hit the market as a result, though the radio stations are not allowed to cover political news. The Syrian government has thus far only issued licenses to two political publications, both of which are close to the regime. The political parties law that Al-Assad promised 10 years ago has not materialised, making the country's only active parties those that are members of the Progressive National Front, all of which adhere to Baathist principles and function under the auspices of the regime. Any unofficial political or party life is banned, and non- governmental organisations and human rights groups are prohibited. The law regulating the media has not been amended, as had been hoped, with the result that it is still strictly controlled. Meanwhile, the issue of Kurds who have lived in Syria for decades but who do not have Syrian nationality has not been resolved. Whether domestic reforms have been delayed because priority has had to be given to economic reforms, or because regional conditions have made Al-Assad's reform plans impossible, it is a fact that many in Syria still want to see expanded political participation and a larger civil society. The state that Al-Assad inherited in 2000 was facing unusual circumstances, and perhaps he hoped it would be easier than in fact it has been to reform.
