In Damascus, Bassel Oudat sounds out Syrian sentiment on the anniversary of Egypt's revolution The 23 July Revolution is deeply embedded in the Syrian political consciousness. Despite everything that has been said for and against the revolution most Syrians continue to regard it from a seemingly immutable perspective, attributing to it three major achievements. First, it contributed to the retreat and collapse of British and French colonialism. Second, it gave a powerful political, moral and ideological boost to the process of Arab revival and to Arab national liberation movements. Third, and most importantly, it achieved the union between Syria and Egypt in 1958. The United Arab Republic (UAR) was part of the Egyptian revolution's programme for Arab unity and proudly hailed as the first concrete step in modern times towards the creation of a pan-Arab state. While this may be the common view in the Syrian street, Al-Ahram Weekly took the occasion of the 56th anniversary of the 1952 Revolution to seek to discover how representatives of Syria's many political parties regard the momentous events of 1952. Rally Hassan Abdel-Azim, secretary- general of the Arab Democratic Socialist Federation begins with the circumstances that gave rise to the Egyptian revolution. "The July revolution began by changing Egypt's condition which had reached an unprecedented phase of deterioration and decay under a corrupt monarchy and dilapidated political parties that represented exploitative feudal and capitalist interests more than they did the Egyptian people. It was a true revolution that overturned a ruinous economic, social and political order." He went on to list some of the major accomplishments of the revolution: "It abolished the monarchy, ended feudalism through agrarian reform and set Egypt on the road to industrialisation. Equally, if not more important, it instituted free universal education and free health services, extended the reach of other social services, and initiated comprehensive national development programmes." Hamza Munadhir, vice-president of the League of Syrian Communists, agrees. In his opinion the revolution was inevitable. "It was not a coincidence. Over the course of the preceding years there had been many harbingers that increased in frequency and intensity as a consequence of the corruption of the monarchy and growing British intervention in the country." Marwan Habash, a former minister and member of Syria's regional command, believes the July Revolution "defined the contours of its social and political philosophy domestically, regionally and internationally from the outset, and asserted itself as a progressive liberationist revolution. It bore this out through its drive to institute social justice, through its conclusion of an agreement regarding British evacuation from the Suez Canal zone, and through constitutional provisions stating that Egypt is an Arab state and that the Egyptian people are part of the Arab nation. Such actions marked a radical transformation in the future direction of Egypt and its pursuit of an Arab liberationist policy." Syrians from all walks of life and political orientations remain proud of the achievements of the Arab nationalist movement, above all of the Syrian-Egyptian union of 1958 which would not have been possible without the July Revolution. "The July Revolution opened the eyes of the Arab people to their right to establish a national state like other nations. That this revolution occurred under certain well-known historical conditions and at a time when the world was divided into two camps had an enormous impact on the Arab liberation movement," secretary-general of the National Pledge Party, Ghassan Abdul- Aziz Osman, told the Weekly. "The impact this revolution had on the aspirations of the Syrian people and their political forces made convergence between Egypt and Syria possible. The unification that crowned this meeting was a pioneering nationalist experience." Fadlullah Nasreddin, secretary-general of the Democratic Socialist Union Party is of the same opinion. The July Revolution represented "the ripening of Arab nationalist thought" and was "intimately connected with Syria". "The Egyptian and Syrian leaderships at the time believed that the unification of the two countries would form the kernel of a greater Arab nation capable of defending Arab national security." One positive aspect of the Egyptian revolution, says Edward Hashwa, a member of the board of the League of Arab Socialists, is that "it set Egypt on the Arab road as part of the Arab nationalist movement, in opposition against conventional colonialism and in support of the forces of Arab liberation". The revolution precipitated "a profound change in the region, restoring Egypt to its leading role in the fight against British and French colonialism and Israel." Other positive aspects were the merger it produced between two Arab countries and its unceasing appeals for Arab unity. Habash argues that among the radical transformations generated by the revolution was "its effective support for the steadfast struggle against the Baghdad Pact and other colonialist schemes and its resolve to sustain the policy of constructive neutrality". In fact, he adds, these were some of the tangible conditions that provided for the meeting of minds and subsequent unity between Egypt and Syria. The revolution echoed throughout the region. As opposition leader Hassan Abdul-Azim observes, "it unified the Arab nationalist movement and rallied the entire Arab nation around Egypt at the time of the Tripartite Aggression." "Egypt emerged victorious from that aggression while the forces of colonialism recoiled, leading to the rise of the Arab nationalist tide. Then, in response to the political, military and economic pressures on Syria from Turkey and the Baghdad Pact the Arab nationalist movement established the United Arab Republic between Syria and Egypt." As can be seen from the foregoing remarks, Syrians regard the accomplishments of the July Revolution as a major advance for Arab nationalist and liberation movements. These successes, in turn, lent powerful impetus to the Arab revival the primary focus of which was development, entailing industrialisation, agrarian reform, building new schools and expanding the scope of public education and providing healthcare and other public services. As important as such accomplishments were they have not blinded the Syrians to some of the mistakes and negative repercussions of the revolution, especially as regards their own country after unification with Egypt. They point in particular to the revolution's "failure to apply the criteria of the modern state, notably the principles of liberty, democracy, human rights and the peaceful rotation of authority," and to its "opening the way for the bureaucratic apparatus to intervene in the leadership and political orientation of the country following the abolition of existing political parties and the establishing of a monolithic state party which led to a clampdown on freedoms, the abolition of the right to criticise the practices and policies of government, and the domination of the security apparatus". Such was one opinion voiced in a closed seminar on the July Revolution held in Damascus which brought together a number of prominent individuals who witnessed the events they were describing. It is a view shared by Edward Hashwa who holds that the Egyptian revolution "established the model for totalitarian rule in the Arab world". "It restricted democracy, abolished political plurality, and rested its authority on the security apparatus, the state media and government bureaucracy instead of on the people." Habash echoes this interpretation, saying "[the revolution] founded the totalitarian police state that relies on state media and bureaucracy instead of the authority of the people as expressed through civil organisations." Both Hashwa and Habash believe that these ills were essentially responsible for eroding the revolution and hampering the realisation of its goals. This is not to refute "Egypt's leadership of the Arab nation during the past millennium". The July Revolution, as Fadlullah Nasreddin put it, "remains an inspiration to Arab and pan-Arab nationalists". "Its principles, especially at the Arab national and social levels, will continue to embody our aspirations for liberation and justice, because it was an extension of the Arab struggle which began to grope its way to freedom at the beginning of the last century, freedom from the Ottoman colonial yoke and all attempts to annihilate Arab national identity." Most Syrians believe that Arab nationalist thought and the drive to Arab unity will remain alive despite all obstacles and pressures. As Hassan Abdul-Azim puts it, "Arab nationalism is not an artificial ideology but one that stems from and expresses the identity and culture of a people". "It cannot, therefore, be eliminated and it will persist in spite of all attempts by its enemies to undermine it." He went on to stress the need of this movement to learn from past experiences. "Disputes between progressive forces in Egypt, Syria and Iraq gravely weakened the movement and led to grave disappointments and setbacks, not least of which was the defeat in June 1967 which delivered a debilitating blow from which the revolutionary Arab liberation and unity movement has yet to recover." Egypt is clearly identified with the July Revolution in the minds of most Syrians, whether politicians or ordinary people, in government or the opposition. Moreover, even if some do not believe in Egypt's historical leadership of the region most regard Egypt's role as "axiomatic", casting their historical memory back to the union of Egypt and Syria under Salaheddin Al-Ayoubi which enabled him to liberate Jerusalem from the crusaders in the 12th century. They also recall Egyptian-Syrian union under Mohamed Ali who, in the 19th century, succeeded in asserting his control over the entire Levant and the western portion of the Arabian Peninsula, greatly disturbing the British, French and the Ottoman authorities in Istanbul. Most Syrians are of the opinion that the victory of the Arab nation is contingent upon Egypt's leadership. This is Egypt's historical role and responsibility, which is why most Syrian intellectuals feel that if the Arab nation is to revive Egypt must revive first and assume the helm. They add that the success of Arab liberation and progress may well remain out of reach without Egypt's active involvement and its effective participation in directing the Arab nationalist drive.
