A spate of diplomatic visits suggests a three-way alliance opening up between Iran, Syria and Turkey, Bassel Oudat writes from Damascus Turkey's relationship with Syria has always been complex. Under Ottoman rule, Istanbul sent walis, or governors, to various parts of the empire and mostly let them run their own show. Damascus, however, was governed directly by Istanbul, a sign of how crucial the Ottomans thought Syria was. When the Ottoman Empire came to an end, relations between Turkey and Syria became tense. The Turks persuaded the French, Syria's new masters, to give them the Iskenderun province in 1939. The loss of the predominantly Arab province still grates against Syrian feelings. Adding injury to the insult, Turkey refused to reach an agreement with the Syrians concerning water from the Euphrates. The Syrians retaliated, aiding and abetting Turkey's Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). Damascus not only granted asylum to PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, but also allowed him to set up training camps in Al-Beqaa Valley in Lebanon. In the late 1990s, Turkey couldn't take it any longer. It deployed its troops on the Syrian border and sternly told Damascus to stop aiding the PKK. President Hafez Al-Assad played it safe, deporting Ocalan and closing down PKK facilities. Since then, tensions eased. In the early 2000s, the Iskenderun borders were opened and families were allowed to travel back and forth without visas, especially in holiday season. Syrians were allowed access to their property and the Syrian government stopped bringing up the question of Iskenderun. In addition, Turkey agreed to let 500 m3/second of water flow into the Euphrates for Syria and Iraq, past dams that could have blocked most of the river's water had Ankara wanted to do so. Last year, trade between the two countries bounced to $1.5 billion. And Turkey, while not sacrificing its special relations with Israel, seemed eager to cultivate the same level of cooperation with Damascus. The improvement in bilateral relations boosted Turkey's international and regional credentials. The EU and the US are pleased to see Ankara forge close ties with Syria, perhaps bringing it back into the fold of "moderate" nations. For its part, Ankara sees clear gains in cultivating its relations with Arab and Islamic countries. Some may say that the Turks have more to gain from countries to their south and east than in Europe, and for now Ankara seems to be giving it a go. For Damascus, Turkey is a godsend. It is taking the Americans and the Europeans off its back and giving it much-needed political and economic support. The two countries have much in common, after all. Their positions on Iraq are fairly similar. Both oppose the occupation of Iraq and don't want to see it partitioned. Both have misgivings about the Kurds. And both need to bolster their regional and international standing. Ankara has proven itself to be a reliable and discreet go-between in Syrian-Israeli peace talks, so much so that the progress it achieved in mediation is said to have surpassed anything Washington managed in the past. Damascus, everyone is hoping, might replace Iran with Turkey as its main ally. But the Syrians are probably thinking further. It would seem that they're hoping to get Iran and Turkey closer, and thus form a three-way alliance that could prove formidable. There are signs that Damascus is thinking along these lines. President Bashar Al-Assad went to Iran just before his recent visit to Ankara. And then Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad suddenly showed up in the Turkish capital. With Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan now visiting Damascus, one can at least guess at a pattern that may develop into something of significance. But there are details to be ironed out. Turkey, although generous with water for now, is yet to turn its goodwill on the Euphrates into a legally binding arrangement. And the Syrians would likely wish to reach an official understanding on the Iskenderun issue. Nonetheless, with so much at stake for Damascus and Ankara, given current regional considerations, issues that were once dominant seem minor at the present moment.
