By Ibrahim Nafie The Arab World has long been characterised by tensions in its relations with bordering countries. Indeed some Arabs, largely out of ideological and political considerations, have refused to view bordering states as anything but hostile. It is, though, time to reassess such relations, realising that, as mature states, it is only through peaceful coexistence and cooperation that the legitimate interests of both sides can be realised. This applies particularly to Arab-Turkish relations. Turkey's historical roots, both in southeastern Europe and western Asia, and its location at a strategic juncture between two continents, makes the reassessment of relations urgent. More importantly, the sensitivities and mentality of the Turkish people are very similar to those of the Arabs, largely as a result of similar historical experiences. Both the Arabs and the Turks have a legacy of a great civilisation that spanned centuries as well as continents. The influence of the Ottomans extended deep into Europe, Asia and North Africa, making Istanbul the hub of one of the world's most powerful empires. Yet if both the Arabs and the Turks share an ambition to revive former glories, which in itself furnishes a strong impetus towards economic and cultural revival and progress, this same sentiment may prove a source of complications. Firstly, overindulgence in dwelling on the past may be inimical to coming to terms with the demands of the present. Secondly, the awareness of a great history renders us acutely sensitive to slights against our national dignity at the hands of the advanced countries that are ruling our world today. Yet on the other hand, these common sensitivities should render us more capable of reaching a closer understanding and, in turn, more capable of developing effective means of cooperation. Of course, such profound historical interplay may conceal layers upon layers of rivalry and even hostility. Thus, the Arabs may continue to hold the Turks responsible for the stagnation of their societies under Ottoman rule while the Turks may harbour a lingering resentment against the Arabs for siding with the Allied powers during the First World War. Certainly, such resentments over the past are inclined to surface in times of difficulties, contributing to a climate of mutual suspicion. This helps no one. President Mubarak's drive to enhance relations with Turkey is founded upon very real geo-strategic factors and informed by a comprehensive vision of the shape of the Middle East in the near future. There can be no doubt that regional peace and stability depend upon the development of a strategic understanding, security arrangements and a high degree of cooperation among the major powers in the region. And Egypt and Turkey are undoubtedly two of the most important players in any such regional configuration. The recent Syrian-Turkish crisis, defused largely as a result of Egypt's diplomatic efforts, epitomises the potential dangers of ignoring the question regional security arrangements. At the same time, the Turkish-Israeli military pact, regardless of how one might characterises it, underscores the need to pay closer attention to an overall framework of regional security arrangements if we are to avert any slide into the kinds of alliances and counter-alliances that inevitably lead to conflict. The Middle East must catch up with the growing international trend to establish large economic and strategic blocs. While the Arab-Israeli conflict has forestalled the realisation of any comprehensive framework for regional integration in the Middle East there is no reason why we cannot begin to lay the groundwork for the eventual creation of a region characterised by cooperation, peace and prosperity. In this respect, the contributions of intellectuals and research centres will be essential in shaping the eventual features of such a region. So too will be efforts to strengthen bilateral relations among the countries of the region, in the hopes that these relations will eventually form the core for broader networks. Unfortunately, the failure, up to now, of the countries of the region to build an acceptable framework for regional cooperation has been a major cause for the decline in standards of living and in the international standing of regional states. There have, it is true, been several initiatives to establish a framework for regional cooperation. The first took place in 1950 with the Arab Economic Cooperation Agreement; the second in 1965 with the agreement to create an Arab Common Market. Circumstances -- the most important being the failure of the Arabs to subsume economic cooperation agreements under a more comprehensive framework comprising political and security considerations -- prevented the realisation of such projects. And in the absence of such a framework inter-Arab tensions always threaten to scuttle even the best intended plans for economic cooperation. The Gulf Cooperation Council might serve as a case in point. While it is true that the GCC has met with some success in promoting responsibility in political and economic cooperation and joint security the recent drop in oil prices suggests that any further growth will be contingent upon expanding the Council's mandate. Commenting on GGC's most recent crisis, Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Abdel-Aziz , did not mince his words. The situation, he said, demands radical solutions. It is in such a light that we should view developments in Turkish-Egyptian relations. Strategically, the Middle East is the natural extension of the southern wing of NATO as well as of the troublesome Balkan region. It is no coincidence, therefore, that NATO has recently begun to prioritise future relations with the countries bordering the Mediterranean. Turkey, as the NATO member bordering the Arab World, the Balkans and the Mediterranean, will naturally occupy a central role in reformulating such relations. The development of Turkish-Egyptian relations, within the context of a new strategic vision for the Middle East, is intended, above all, to further Egyptian interests. President Mubarak's vision of foreign policy is guided by a clear perception of the higher interests of the Egyptian and Arab peoples and by his profound faith in the principle of peaceful coexistence and the capacity of peoples to rise above past resentments in order to realise mutual dignity, security and prosperity. He has long realised that regional cooperation is the only way to achieve sustained and lasting prosperity. Egypt's conduct of its regional relations translates such a vision into practice, and in doing so cannot ignore Turkey.
