Abbas Kadhim deconstructs the myths currently circulating about Iraq There are three myths about the violence in Iraq that must be recognised and dealt with before any solution can be found. The first concerns policy towards former members of the Baath Party. The Baath Party is being presented in current discourse as a Sunni organisation. The corollary of this false representation is that any process of de-Baathification becomes one that will exclude the Sunni Arabs from having a say in the future of Iraq. As a consequence the perception is growing that treating many of these former criminals leniently will help soothe the feelings of the Sunnis. Nothing could be further from the truth. The Baath Party is an organisation that drew its membership from all parts of Iraq. Shia members were as numerous as Sunnis -- indeed, they might have outnumbered them -- and were as brutal as their Sunni counterparts, if not more so, towards their fellow Shia. The relentless process of re-Baathification passionately pursued by the current government, many of whom -- including Prime Minister Iyad Allawi -- are former Baathists, resembles in some ways the Baathist comebacks of 1963, and 1968. This government seems more eager to rely on Saddam's executioners than on his victims. It is a policy that flies in the face of justice, and it is only through exercising justice that Iraq will be able to escape the burdens of its past. And it is a policy that can only fail in achieving its purported goal -- i.e. establishing security. Terrorists now have loyal comrades within the government passing them all the inside information they need. Beside the diehard ideology of the former Baathists in the government, re-Baathification is driven by the need to appease some regional players. Jordan was forcibly weaned off the benefits it used to enjoy courtesy of its alliance with the Baath regime and at the expense of the Iraqi people. A neo-Baathist regime could reinstate the good old days when oil used to flow free of charge or else for the cost of transportation. Others, including Saudi Arabia, are nervous about the idea of an Iraq that grants rights to its Shia population. The second myth has to do with the role of Iran and Syria in the random violence crippling the country. The fact is that blaming either is an exercise in scapegoating, an excuse not to face the consequences of the incompetence of the government and the occupation forces. There was a time, in the 1980s, when Iran and Syria did try to destabilise Iraq. They failed miserably. It has taken the government, and the occupation, to turn Iraq into a Wild West frontier town, without sheriff or judge. The outlaws roam the country and commit crimes in broad daylight while the police cover their faces for fear they might be recognised. There is no credible legislature, no functioning court system. Instead of a legitimate prison system where criminals are held, Iraq is full of detention facilities where people are kept without trial. Regardless of the reasons for their arrest they become de facto heroes. Statements by Iraqi officials blaming Iran and Syria are excuses for them not doing their job, and they will not fix any problems. There is an urgent need to evaluate the performance of those in charge of running the country. Political positions must not be treated as sinecures. It is obvious that several ministers should be replaced by more capable people. One could do worse than begin with the ministers of defence, interior, oil and electricity. It is also time a credible army and police force were formed. What is happening now is a shameless charade that needs to end if Iraq is to be secure and free of the presence of foreign troops. The police forces are far from being equipped or trained. Indeed, credible reports have it that many members of the police force have not received their meagre pay for up to six months. Meanwhile, the occupation's subcontractors run advertisements offering $80,000 a year for non- Iraqis to do jobs far less important than the thankless tasks facing Iraqi policeman. The third myth concerns the claim that the battle in Iraq is between the forces of tyranny and those of democracy. The truth of the matter is that Iraq has become a battlefield in a war between two forms of intolerance and extremism. On one side there is terror -- various groups of outlaws whose mission is to destroy anyone who refuses to subscribe to their own vision of the world. On the other is an arrogant political power seeking to shape the world into its own liking. Both sides exhibit disturbing levels of disregard for innocent lives. Both have respect for neither human rights nor the rule of law. Both resort to coercion, intimidation and cruelty as tools to reach their goals. And both lay claim to the moral high ground. The truth is that Iraqis are doomed if the terrorists win the fight. The fallacy is the claim that when the occupation wins democracy will follow. The kite, as Egyptians say, does not drop little chicks.
