Samir Geagea is finally out of prison and he promises to change the entire Lebanese political spectrum, Sherine Bahaa reports Lebanese ultra-right Christian warlord Samir Geagea was released this week from 11 years in prison, completing the phase of the return of Christian militants involved in Lebanese civil war politics to their lands. First came the reintegration of former Lebanese president Amin Gemayel into mainstream political life in 2000. Five years later, on 7 May, Michel Aoun returned from exile in Paris. Geagea was the last on this list, and following a long campaign for his freedom led by his wife, Strida Geagea MP, a parliamentary vote secured his release last week. With Lebanese politics being riddled with plots, power games, assassinations, alliances and divisions, the return of Geagea -- the historical leader of the Lebanese Forces (LF) -- will most certainly have an impact on the balance of power. Indeed, the most recent atrocity to have taken place -- the bombing last Friday of popular Monot Street, a fashionable road frequented by young people and tourists -- bears witness to the fact that each political action continues to be met, in Lebanon, with a parallel, and often violent, reaction. Regardless of who is behind the ongoing string of explosions, the violence highlights the difficulty of the transitional period that the country is undergoing as the various forces try to fill the vacuum created by the end of direct Syrian control in April. A grinning Geagea, wearing a blue shirt and appearing skinny, with slightly greying hair, was seen in footage provided by the LF, aired at Beirut International Airport on the day of his release. "You've been freed from a big prison and that's what enabled me to be released from this little prison," Geagea, a veteran opponent of neighbouring Syria told his audience on his way to the VIP lounge in the airport. Indeed, Geagea's amnesty only became possible following the full withdrawal of Syrian forces in April, which automatically paved the way for the country's first truly free elections in 30 years. Interestingly, the anti-Syria bloc led by prime minister-designate Fouad Al-Siniora included the LF in its electoral winning alliance. Geagea took command of the Lebanese forces in 1985 after ousting his rival Elie Hobeika for signing a Damascus-approved peace deal with Druze leader Walid Jumblatt and current parliamentary speaker Nabih Berri. Ironically on Tuesday Geagea paid tribute to Jumblatt for his role in securing his release. He has so far stopped short of hinting at a return to the political scene. However, his wife Strida won a seat in parliament in the recent elections, representing his northern home town of Bcharre. A handful of other Geagea loyalists also won seats. For many Maronites, Geagea is a hero who fought for their supremacy. But for most Lebanese, he cannot be perceived as anything but a war criminal. Given the sheer variety of factors that, combined, constitute contemporary Lebanese politics, and given the fact that political changes and developments continue to take place by the day, it is clear that the political discourse in the small yet incredibly varied Mediterranean country cannot remain static. For his part, Al-Siniora is already deeply immersed in a string of crises in his post of prime minister-designate. His first test involved the formation of a government that represented the entire national sectarian spectrum. Following three failed attempts in one month, he finally overcame this challenge last week. He now, however, faces a second hurdle, for the Lebanese government is set to submit its policy statement to parliament for endorsement. The electorally powerful Aoun -- whose 20- MP bloc was excluded from government -- said that he will refuse to give his support. According to this former warlord, the cabinet is doomed because it lacks homogeneity and consistency. Consequent to this row, it became clear how complex negotiations will be between the two authorities in the country, the executive and the legislative. Meanwhile, political sources close to the cabinet spoke of the statement by the cabinet, which they linked to the spirit of the Lebanese independence uprising that emerged following the assassination of former prime minister Rafik Al-Hariri on 14 February. Though that spirit was made clear in the statement, the literal mention of an anti-Syria revolt was avoided for the sake of ensuring good diplomatic relations with Hizbullah and Amal. However, Aoun did not miss the opportunity to lash out against the cabinet, accusing its ministers of employing a reconciliatory strategy to reconcile differences rather than addressing the country's many pressing issues. Another important question for Al-Siniora at this point remains that of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559 and how to deal with it. In fact, the international arena on the whole now poses a real challenge to the prime minister-designate -- for while he must secure good relations with the international community, he must also ensure that Lebanon's sovereignty is guaranteed. Not least, the surprise visit by United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice brought about many challenges for the new cabinet, while it was, in itself, charged with new political connotations for Lebanon. To start with, her arrival in Lebanon via Israel was extremely significant -- for she hitherto used to arrive in Beirut via Damascus. However, unexpectedly, the highest ranking US diplomat did not come to make demands that Resolution 1559 be implemented. Rather, she employed relatively reassuring, tame language to show US support for the newly appointed government, while congratulating the Lebanese for having gained their full right to run their own affairs. "The process of politics in Lebanon should be for the Lebanese. That was the whole purpose of 1559, so that the Lebanese could control Lebanon's future." Nevertheless, on the question of the disarmament of Hizbullah, her message remained clear: the US is unlikely to budge on its demands that the Shia group eventually disarm. She also hinted at the possibility of integrating elements of the resistance into the Lebanese army.
