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The young king?
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 06 - 07 - 2017


اقرأ باللغة العربية
The young Mohamed Bin Salman, 32, was quickly elevated to the position of crown prince in the oil-rich country of Saudi Arabia. The appointment comes at a critical time since his country is battling on several fronts — economic, social and political. He is the most favoured and influential prince among the thousands of grandchildren of King Abdel-Aziz Al-Saud, the founder of the kingdom, and has now risen to a higher position than any of his surviving paternal uncles. This begs the question: How did this young prince reach number two position in the country?
Some Western circles believe he is the king's favourie son (he is the sixth in order and his mother is the daughter of the chief of the Agman tribe). This favouritism is not enough for his promotion, according to Ali Al-Shehabi, director of a Saudi institute. “After many decades of rule by old kings, a young king would be welcome,” said Shehabi. “This is normal in a country where more than half the population are youth.”
Some 60 per cent of Saudis are younger than 35 years old, which makes Mohamed Bin Salman one of them. At a news conference in 2016, the new crown prince angrily responded to those who say his name will be remembered in the future: “I am a Saudi citizen and Saudi citizens will all be remembered in the future also.”
Nizar Al-Fawzan, a Saudi university professor, said: “The crown prince views himself as one of the citizens. Until university, he attended schools that everyone attends.”
More importantly, the Saudi regime is dynamic and changes everytime it needs to. That happened during the dispute between King Saud and Crown Prince Faisal in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The formation of the Allegiance Council was revolutionary reform by the late King Abdullah to reflect the reality that most of King Abdel-Aziz's sons in the line of succession had died, and to avoid a power struggle among the cousins.
Regional conflicts and the drop in oil prices could make the mission of the “future king” difficult. Al-Shehabi said conflict is not new for the House of Saud. Since the establishment of the kingdom in the first half of the 20th century, it has had political battles with its neighbours. “It has a long history of this,” he said.
Saudi Arabia was in conflict with the Hashemites starting in World War I until the 1950s, and Riyadh annexed the Hijaz in the 1920s. King Abdel-Aziz also waged war against Yemen's king in the 1930s that ended with Sanaa recognising his sovereignty over Asseer province. Early on, Riyadh established its border relations with its neighbours in the Gulf sheikhdoms and improved relations with the Egyptian monarchy in the 1930s after an Egyptian chill and anticipation in the 1920s.
One of the fiercest confrontations faced by the Saudis was an aggressive clash with the late president Gamal Abdel-Nasser who assisted military coups that overthrew the monarchies in Iraq, Yemen and Libya.
In the 1990s, Saudis clashed with the late president Saddam Hussein in Iraq when he invaded their neighbour and ally Kuwait in 1990. However, the dispute with Iran is one of the longest and most difficult political quarrels that has lasted more than 38 years so far, with intertwined issues related to religion, politics, economics and spheres of influence. The clash caused Saudi Arabia to start a war in Yemen about two months after Prince Mohamed Bin Salman was appointed second in line and minister of defence. Riyadh is also involved in several complex issues in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq to offset Iranian presence, but has not been as successful as it would like.
Al-Fawzan notes this is not the first time that oil prices decline, and Saudi Arabia already overcame the dramatic drop in oil prices in the early 1980s. Prince Mohamed Bin Salman also launched the 2030 vision aiming to end Saudi dependency on oil revenues. But is the young prince up to the challenge? His track record is very short compared to previous Saudi kings who usually reach the throne in their 60s or 70s.
Nonetheless, perhaps the young prince's boldness would help him overcome the difficulties facing his country, which has always been ruled by conservative outlooks and methods.
On regional relations, Prince Mohamed has taken hardline positions towards Iran announcing he will not allow the war to spill over into his country. This is why he launched a war against Yemen to block Iran-supported Houthis from expansionism.
Mohamed Bin Salman received a law degree from King Saud University in 2007 and owned a chain of trade companies with the support of his father, the then emir of Riyadh. Nonetheless, the young prince pursued a government job, first in Riyadh, which was governed by his father since 1970, where he became an adviser in the Capital Experts Association, secretary general of the Riyadh Council of Competitiveness, and member of the High Commission for the Development of Diriyah.
In the second decade of this century, now King Salman became minister of defence and his son joined him as his chief of staff in 2011. In 2013, King Salman became crown prince and his son Mohamed became his chief of staff, then state minister and member of the cabinet in 2014. Once King Abdullah died and the incumbent king sat on the throne in January 2015, Mohamed was appointed second in line of succession and minister of defence (he is believed to be the youngest defence minister in the world, according to House of Saud officials).
Very quicky the young prince gained extensive powers. He is the minister of defence, the king's chief of staff and special counsel to the king, chairman of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs, and head of the national oil company Aramco (the largest in the world).
The 2030 Vision includes extensive privatisation plans, most notably selling some Aramco shares on international exchanges which could yield $2 trillion for Saudi Arabia. In an interview with The Economist, Mohamed said he wants a “Thatcher revolution” of privatisation in many government sectors, including education and health, and most government-owned industries.
He added that, “The Saudi Arabia that I hope for is [one] that is not dependent on oil; a Saudi Arabia with a growing economy; a Saudi Arabia with transparent laws; a Saudi Arabia with a very strong position in the world; a Saudi Arabia that can fulfil the dream of any Saudi.”
Many observers believe Mohamed Bin Salman will be popular among the youth in his country, but he must also prove to the elder princes of the House of Saud, religious and tribal leaders as well as businessmen that he is qualified for the top job which has always been occupied by very experienced figures.


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