CAIRO: “Talk to them in Hebrew, maybe they don't speak Arabic,” screamed the crowd at the military forces guarding Tahrir square. At one time, this chant was exclusive to Mubarak and his aides, but now it seems that the military is slowly replacing them as a one-way ruling power that continues to push activists to the line. Only weeks away from the much anticipated elections, Egypt's activists are pushed against the wall more than ever. Arrested by the dozens and prohibited from returning to Tahrir, for the crowds that toppled 30-years of tyranny and corruption, a growing sense of impatience seems to control the scene. Spontaneous shuffles between protesters and police and army forces guarding Tahrir Square is where activists see themselves now. After being forced out of the square on the first day of Ramadan, a sour taste remains in the throats of those who called the square home in the second comeback on July 8. Police and the army raided the square and roughly removed them under the pretenses that residents and shop owners were complaining and the activists have been yearning to return to their spot ever since. The Supreme Council of armed forces appears to be taking a head to head stand with the activists. Arresting them, then pardoning them under public pressure, as in the case of Asmaa Mahfouz and Loai Nagati, a move in itself that has split the activist community, who were relieved but still concerned over the remaining detainees, which they say are in the thousands. The SCAF summoned Mahfouz for example, in a public exercise of power over comments she wrote on Facebook and Twitter. Not quite the same case for Nagati, who was arrested following clashes between protesters and riot police outside of ministry of interior headquarters in downtown Cairo in June. Mahfouz was released on 20,000 Egyptian pounds bail and avoided military trial. Again another case that enrages activists and unites them under one banner, no matter how they differ in ideologies: military trials. Thousands of civilians have faced military trials in recent months under “regaining the security umbrella” that the SCAF employs. Civilians turned into thugs and stand in military trials, where appeals do not exist and swift rules are very common. Blogger Michael Nabil Sanad was handed a three-year sentence for criticizing the SCAF on his blog, becoming the first post-Mubarak prisoner of conscious. With Sanad, some activists seem to not follow what they preach, where many ignored supporting the young blogger over his views of Israel. Sanad, who is not part of the mainstream that refuses normalization with the Jewish state, often finds few advocates for his cause and some merely support him for the desire of not being called hypocrites. Sanad went on a hunger strike 6 days ago in rejection of the ill-treatment he is receiving in military prison. The SCAF only recently pardoned hundreds of prisoners in its military cells on the occasion of Eid, but Sanad's name was left out. His family and the few supporters remain organizing protests and advocating for him, while the rest of the activist community still weeps over the square. The iconic Tahrir Square was where it all began. Millions marched, protested, fought and died to bring Mubarak's regime down. The journey seems far from over. They are now faced with a tough power that seems to capture the hearts of many Egyptians. The SCAF plays successfully on how it was the “protecting” force of the revolution and it brings that point up whenever it has a chance. News from Syria also contribute to beautify the SCAF's image for many Egyptians, who take great pride in their army and therefore confuse both, the SCAF as the presidential body of Egypt and the armed forces that works on protecting its borders. So when SCAF generals attacked the pro-democracy movement 6 of April, an activist icon, people instantly viewed belonging to the group was a definite negative. Even so, when activists such as Amr Gharbiya faced citizen arrests at protests and brought to a military checkpoint with the suspicion that they belong to the group. Other generals also opened fire at civil society accusing them loosely with accepting unchecked funds from abroad and putting many NGOs under investigation, ignoring the fact that no non-governmental body could accept a money transfer without the direct approval and involvement of the ministry of social solidarity that goes over NGOs budgets and has complete power of denying them funds. The seemingly bigger issue is that the SCAF is remaining in power, the large gap it has with activists seems to widen. The SCAF also has yet to provide a clear date for the elections, both the parliamentary and the presidential ones, only announcing the end of September as the beginning of accepting parliamentary candidates' applications, failing to answer the demands of many of setting a specific time. No activists could forget – or forgive for that matter – the virginity tests that military officers forced upon female protesters, which the SCAF denies ever happened. The female activists were examined by a medical officer, naked, while outside soldiers snapped pictures of them with their mobile phones. A leading general affirmed the tests to CNN and told them “these girls are not like your daughter or mine, they are something else.” All of the activists gave documented testimonies in detail of what they went through before they were released. They were told that the tests were necessary because they could come back and accuse the military of rape. Met with obstacles on the ground, activists are now returning to protesting online. Anti-SCAF blogging day and anti-military trials synchronized comments bombardment on official pages on Facebook are the latest on the virtual platform. “Why would the Military rule, we are not fools,” has now become a favorite chant of protesters and is screamed whenever a group gathers to face the forces surrounding the central garden in Tahrir. Endless jokes float on Twitter with calls for the army to go protect the eastern border and leave Tahrir for the people who made it the symbol of the civil fight to democracy. BM
