Egypt last had a full legislature combined with a civilian executive in February 2011. Back then after having lost popular legitimacy and effective control of the country, Mubarak was pushed from power, and parliament was then dismissed.
Since then, (...)
Today, November 10, marks a milestone for Egypt's non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Few are sure what will happen tomorrow, or the day after, but one thing is crystal clear. Today is an end of an era for Egypt's NGOs – and the next epoch is not (...)
The Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip, a Palestinian territory under Israeli occupation, has not abated. Rather, it has intensified. Initial signals from the Israeli prime minister that this would be a surgical, limited incursion were doubted (...)
Earlier this week, a bomb attack on an Egyptian tourist bus took place in Sinai, taking the lives of three South Korean tourists, and one Egyptian driver. More were wounded in the attack, which was claimed the following day by the Ansar Beit (...)
"One of the objects of a newspaper is to understand the popular feelings and give expression to it; another is to arouse among the people certain desirable elements; and the third is fearlessly to expose popular defects."
Mahatma Ghandi
I'm not a (...)
Today and tomorrow, Egyptians will go to the polls to vote on an amended constitution. That is not true, though. The reality of what they are voting on is quite different from the constitution – and the repercussions of the vote will define Egypt (...)
It's almost boring. Earlier this week, Ahmed Maher, Ahmed Douma and Mohammed Adel, three veteran activists, were each sentenced to three years in jail and fined EGP 50,000. Two thoughts occurred to me: one, if the fine was multiplied by 10,000, then (...)
Since the military ouster of Mohammed Morsi, different Egyptian groups have lobbied the international community more than ever since the revolution began in 2011. The diversity of the lobby is more than probably ever before – and the intensity of (...)
Last week, the Egyptian interim cabinet passed a draft law to regulate protests. As per procedure, it sent it to the interim president, Adly Mansour, for approval. The new law gives the right to cancel, postpone or forcibly break up any protest to (...)
Christmas Eve. New Year's Eve mass. A wedding. None of these should turn into a funeral – but that is exactly what has happened in Egypt. The most recent round of violence, the targeting of a Coptic wedding procession in Giza, left four people dead (...)
A group of peaceful protesters marched, and were set upon by official state forces – at the end of the violence, 28 people were dead, and more than 200 people were injured. At the time, human rights activists insisted that not only should an (...)
It could be that by the time this article goes to press, a strike has already taken place on Syria by a conglomerate of forces, led mostly by the US, the UK and France. It could be that it has not. The decision to do it, one way or the other, is (...)
"Help us make sense of this?" That is usually the question an analyst gets asked. The good ones tend to try their best, with as many qualifications as possible, knowing that they cannot possibly account for all the variables. They also know who else (...)
It feels like a day of reckoning for a reason, because it is one. As 30 June 2013 draws nearer, it does not feel at all like a repeat of 25 January 2011. Instead, it appears to be a repeat of 28 January 2011, combined with the protests of early (...)
A farce. That is all I can say about the NGO trial verdict that was delivered on 4 June in post-Mubarak, present-Morsi, still-not-revolutionary Egypt.
Here is the verdict, plain and simple. Guilty. Didn't hear that right? Guilty. Every single (...)
In the past few weeks, media circles in Cairo have been buzzing with talk of a new grassroots campaign designed to end President Mohamed Morsi's term in office. In a matter of weeks, the campaign claims it has managed to collect in excess of 2 (...)
The Egyptian government recently assembled a new cabinet in order to deliver on the promises of the “Renaissance Project" (mashru' al-nahda). It comes not a moment too soon, as the national, regional and international scenes are growing increasingly (...)
In another country, at another time, writing about the Egypt Independent might be considered writing about the competition. After all, there are only a few English-language dailies in Egypt – and fewer that are not reliant on state funding. But (...)
For months, from these pages and elsewhere, I have written a rather large number of articles criticising the conduct and performance of Egypt's post-uprising political forces. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which resumed power after (...)
Hesham Hellyer
I am not particularly enthusiastic about New Year's Eve. My favourite in the last decade was in 2007/8; my wife and I watched a movie, and fell asleep at 11pm. That is usually the extent of my excitement on this night. But it seems (...)
The Muslim Brotherhood believes it is fighting forces bent upon its destruction; the international media sees a confrontation between democratically elected Islamists and spoil-sport secularists. What's the reality?
There is an abundance of irony in (...)
In the last couple of days, Egypt has seen the birth of a new kind of regime. With President Mohammed Mursi's latest decree, there is a new constitutional reality, and near-absolute powers have just been placed at the disposal of the Egyptian (...)
With the ascension of the Islamist movement of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) to the Egyptian presidency, many considered this as a historic occasion: one that signified the next great step for Islam and democracy. Others, however, questioned whether (...)
Dr. H.A. Hellyer
Egyptians do love to remind themselves and everyone else that Egypt is the “mother of the world" (umm al-dunyah). But that is a curse, as well as a blessing. A mother can be nurturing, but she can also leave scars. Not simply on (...)
On the 25th of January 2011, the people of Egypt began to descend to the streets. Their revolution had two pillars, one negative, one affirmative: ‘al-sha'ab' yurid isqat al-nidham' (the people want the downfall of the regime) and ‘‘aysh, hurriyyah, (...)