Egypt's ruling party could have done better, argues Ammar Ali Hassan The annual congress of the National Democratic Party (NDP), which ended two weeks ago, stayed well within the boundaries of the party's traditions. Again, no boundaries were set between the finances, bureaucracy and security of the party and those of the state. Again, the NDP acted as if it is the only player entitled to decide where the country should go. Even in matters requiring public debate and matters influencing the future of the entire nation, the NDP still acts as if only its view matters. Three new developments, however, are worth noting. One was that the NDP set aside 56 seats for women in parliament, taking a substantial step towards female empowerment, an issue in which the first lady takes a personal interest. The second was the continued ambiguity on the way to handle the upcoming inevitable power transition and the NDP's additional failure to name its presidential candidate for 2011. The third was the fierce maligning of the opposition, a marked change of the party's traditional position of benevolent indifference. In this congress, the NDP took every opportunity to call the opposition names, accusing it of lacking moral fibre, an agenda and public appeal. None of these developments tells us that the NDP is keen to end the past 25 years of political stagnation. The new seats for women in parliament seem on the surface a good idea, but the move is also an admission that gender problems persist in the country. Had the problem of gender been adequately dealt with, no quotas would have been needed, right? Furthermore, the quota system for women is likely to encourage other disenfranchised political groups, such as Christians and Bedouins, to demand their own quota. In the liberal period preceding 1952, no quotas of any type were used in parliament and citizens were allowed to run for legislative office regardless of class, religion or region. Boosting women's parliamentary presence may also be another NDP gimmick aimed to undermine political opposition, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, a group that is still struggling to survive despite the legal "ban" on its activities. Recently, Article 5 of the Egyptian constitution was amended to ban religious groups from engaging in politics. With more women in the parliament, the NDP is almost certain to tighten its hold on parliament. Most of the new women parliamentarians are likely to have strong links with the government and therefore the NDP. The fact that the first lady has been active in women's rights for sometime means that the NDP has attracted more politically-minded women than all opposition parties combined. Ambiguity over the NDP presidential candidate will haunt Egyptian political life for at least another year, adding to the sense of uncertainty that has prevailed since political succession became a bone of contention. The government claims that "bequest of power" is out of the question, saying that the amendment of Article 76 of the constitution tackled the point adequately. The opposition notes that the amendment introduced conditions that made it practically impossible for a non-NDP candidate to run for president. And with election fraud so common, the opposition's claim that the NDP is bent on "bequeathing" power sounds credible. The hesitation to name a future presidential candidate suggests that the kingmakers of Egypt (namely, those concerned about the security and future of the country and not only the NDP) haven't spoken yet. The idea of "bequeathing power" is unpopular and the NDP Policies Committee, led by Gamal Mubarak, has not succeeded to make it less so. As for the assault on the opposition, this too seems self-serving. The NDP is practically telling the nation that it is the only party left standing in the country. The message here is that if you want to change things, you'll have to do it from inside the NDP, not outside. In other words, the NDP is trying to pose as a "national front" or a political umbrella for various shades of views. The NDP could have done better. For example, it could have abrogated the Parties Committee of the Shura Council, a body that still has the power to block the formation of new parties. It could have terminated the state of emergency, which prevents parties from freely communicating with the pubic. It could have ended the unfair advantages it has over its opponents, such as the fancy offices that were once owned by the Arab Socialist Party. The ruling party is not eager to abandon its old ways. As a result, the curious situation that has existed in Egyptian political life for years will continue. The country will continue to have "parties without people and people without parties". And true political competition is not to be expected anytime soon. In fair and free elections, the NDP would lose much of its status. But the NDP is not ready for that yet. Getting down to earth is not what the recent NDP congress was about. * The writer is director of the Middle East Studies and Research Centre, Cairo.
