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58 days that exposed IMF's contradictions on Egypt
Published in Amwal Al Ghad on 12 - 06 - 2025

In an increasingly entangled world of geopolitics and finance, reading international institutional reports demands more than scanning data and forecasts. It requires attention to language, context, and timing. Between the IMF's May 17 and July 15 reports on Egypt, we find a clear case of what can only be described as "dual standards in global economic evaluation" — where reform is judged not by performance, but by political alignment.
The May report, issued after the third review of Egypt's economic reform programme, struck an overtly positive tone — almost a political endorsement cloaked in economic language. It claimed:
Egypt's economy was showing signs of gradual recovery, with growth projected at 3.8 per cent.
Fiscal and monetary policies had become more disciplined, with inflation easing and the pound stabilising.
Private sector participation was expanding, with some sectors exceeding 60 per cent.
Progress had been made in privatisation, with "political momentum" supporting reforms.
Efforts to reduce energy subsidies and rebalance public spending were acknowledged.
The overarching message was clear: Egypt was on the right track, and international confidence was strong.
Then came the July report — just 58 days later — and the narrative flipped.
Suddenly, reform was no longer "promising" but "uneven." Privatisation was no longer "progressing" but had "stalled." Fiscal discipline gave way to concerns of spiraling debt.
The July report noted:
Continued dominance of the public sector in key industries — including tourism, logistics, and manufacturing — deterring new investment.
A steep drop in privatisation revenues, from projected $3 billion to under $600 million in 2024.
Rising external debt, forecast to climb from $162 billion to over $202 billion within five years.
Persistent weaknesses in transparency, particularly in quasi-governmental bodies.
Excessive lending by the Central Bank of Egypt to state-owned banks, flagged as a risk to price and currency stability.
Egypt was reclassified as a country of "hesitant reform," with future support tied to urgent, far-reaching structural action.
So, what changed in 58 days?
Economically: very little.
Growth rates held steady.
Inflation continued to decline.
The Egyptian pound remained stable.
No major reversal in policy was observed.
What did change was Egypt's geopolitical posture.
Between the two reports, Cairo took several sovereign steps that appeared to unsettle certain Western capitals:
It firmly rejected any proposals to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to the Sinai — labeling such plans a red line.
It refused to join the U.S.-led Red Sea military coalition without regional consensus and Egyptian conditions.
It deepened its economic partnerships with China, Russia, and India — steps that don't sit well with Washington or its institutions.
These decisions — entirely within Egypt's sovereign right — were apparently interpreted as subtle defiance, and were swiftly followed by a shift in the IMF's tone.
Once considered a neutral technical body, the IMF today increasingly appears to many as a geopolitical tool — one that wields economic evaluations to reward or punish governments based on their alignment with Western priorities.
Egypt's case illustrates this shift starkly. The country wasn't penalized for economic backsliding, but for asserting political independence. It wasn't its numbers that were questioned — but its choices on the global chessboard.
So who should be held accountable?
Not the country rejecting forced displacement.
Not the one demanding regional consensus for military engagement.
Not the one seeking to diversify its partnerships.
It is the IMF — now visibly politicized — that must answer for abandoning its supposed neutrality. By doing so, it erodes its credibility and undermines trust in the global financial system.
When sovereignty becomes a liability, and funding a reward for obedience, the crisis is not in the numbers — it's in the institutions.

Disclaimer:
This article reflects the author's personal analysis based on publicly available information. It does not intend to accuse, defame, or incite against any entity or institution


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