With Kadima refusing publicly to join Likud, time is running out for Netanyahu to form a government, writes Khaled Amayreh in occupied East Jerusalem Tasked with forming the next Israeli government, Likud leader Benyamin Netanyahu has been trying in vain to convince Kadima leader Tzipi Livni to join him in a coalition government that would be acceptable to the international community, particularly the new US administration. This week, Netanyahu met with both Livni and Labour Party leader Ehud Barak. However, the meetings ended fruitlessly as both refused to join a Likud-led government, citing "diametrically opposed agendas" and opposition to a partnership with the Likud by their respective constituencies. Prior to her meeting with Netanyahu on Sunday, 21 February, Livni told reporters that joining a Likud government would be a "breach of Kadima voters' trust". "These days are a test for Kadima. People are looking at us. We presented our stance. We spoke during the campaign about content and ideology, about the differences between hope and despair and between 'two states for two peoples' and no path at all." Elucidating the "wide gap" with the Likud, Livni suggested that a partnership with the Likud amounted to sacrificing Kadima's principles, saying "this is not what our voters want." "We spoke about Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. That is why we asked for the trust of the public. We received a wave of support on the condition that we keep our promises. If we compromise... by joining a government with a path that is not ours, we would violate the trust of our voters," she said. However, it is uncertain if Livni's initial refusal to join a Netanyahu-led coalition government is motivated by ideology and principles, or is a mere bargaining tactic aimed at extricating more concessions from the Likud. Responding to Livni's obstinacy Netanyahu warned, "I won't wait forever for a unity government." "I want to give Livni a real chance to join us, but we can't wait forever," Netanyahu told the Likud faction following a recommendation by party hawks, who constitute a majority within the party, to give up on Livni and Barak and start formal negotiations with extremist right-wing and religious factions. Exuding not a small amount of desperation, Netanyahu argued that political parties ought to work together for the sake of Israel. "Our emergency situation requires putting aside political and personal reasons that are legitimate at a different time and that are not legitimate now," Netanyahu said. The Likud leader has reportedly offered Kadima three top portfolios for joining the government: foreign affairs, defence and finance. However, the "generous offer", which is likely to be met with stiff opposition from the Likud rank and file, has so far failed to woo Livni. Nonetheless, Kadima's refusal to join a Netanyahu-led government doesn't seem to be absolute and irreversible. Shaul Mofaz, Kadima's number two, was quoted as saying that the party should join a Likud government. "The Israeli people want to see a unity government. We have great challenges, and we need to influence them from within the government." Mofaz added: "If in the end we don't come to an agreement regarding the platform and a change in the system of government, then we will go to the opposition." Mofaz is a notorious hawk and his views on the Palestinian problem have more in common with those of the Likud and extremist factions than with Livni's. One Israeli newspaper reported Tuesday that Livni was coming under pressure from her party's senior members urging her to accept a national unity arrangement. Unconfirmed reports suggest that some high- ranking Kadima officials, including Mofaz, would leave the party should Livni choose to go into opposition. Netanyahu's running after Livni seems to reflect a real political dilemma he is facing following the indecisive outcome of the recent Israeli elections. The Likud leader could easily form a narrow-based government comprising the Likud, Shas, Avigdor Lieberman's Yisrael Beiteinu, United Torah Judaism and other extremist parties, including the National Union. However, such a government, while harmonious on the Palestinian issue, would be rife with contradictions given the diametrically opposed agendas and platforms of parties such the ultra- Orthodox Shas and the ultra-secular Yisrael Beiteinu. Moreover, such an extremist government would be a public relations disaster for Israel in the world, especially in the United States and Europe. Netanyahu, a veteran and experienced politician, is aware of the ramifications and repercussions that such a rightist government would have on paramount relations with the United States. Hence, exhaustive and desperate efforts to include Kadima in the coalition government he is trying to form. But if the Israeli prime minister designate fails to win over Kadima and the Labour Party, he will have no choice but to form a government with the right-wing and religious parties. Netanyahu then would seek to fend off criticisms, domestic and international, for partnering up with brazenly fascist parties, such as National Union and the Jewish Home, by arguing that he had made his utmost efforts to include Kadima and Labour but to no avail. The other choice available to Netanyahu is simply to admit failure and return to Israeli President Shimon Peres and tell him that he is unable to carry out the task of forming a stable and durable government. This seems an unlikely scenario, however. Nonetheless, if the political stalemate continues, and if Netanyahu reaches the conclusion that no government is better than a failed government beset by crises, it is possible that Peres will task Livni with forming the next government. This wouldn't be necessarily good news for the Kadima leader, if only because her chances of forming a stable and durable government would be even worse than those of Netanyahu.
