Despite external condemnation for the Islamists' assassination of Somalia's security minister, the heinous act has failed to banish the world's lingering doubts about the efficacy of the Somali government, writes Gamal Nkrumah The killing of Somali security minister Omar Hashi Aden and a considerable number of innocent bystanders in the strategic town of Beledweyne north of the Somali capital Mogadishu was surely an atrocity, and aroused strong regional and international condemnation. The United States officially noted that Al-Qaeda has infiltrated several armed groups in the Horn of Africa region, including Somalia, and that it intends to create a new base in the rugged terrain of Somalia, one of Africa's largest and most underdeveloped nations. Accusing fingers were pointed at Eritrea, even though Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki denied any collusion with the militant Islamists of Somalia in assassinating the moderate Islamist security chief. "The role that Eritrea has played most recently has been particularly unhelpful to bring about a return to political stability and normalcy" in Somalia, noted US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs John Carson. "We would like very much to have good, normal relations with the government of Eritrea but that is predicated upon Eritrea acting as a responsible citizen in the neighbourhood," Carson added. Washington, and much of the world, sees the political crisis in Somalia as being inextricably intertwined with the political squabbles in the Horn of Africa. Somalia's President Sheikh Sherif Ahmed appealed this week, following the tragic incident, for foreign troops to deliver his country from the militias of two powerful militant Islamist armed opposition groups -- Al-Shabab (Youth) and Al-Hijb Al-Islami (Islamic Party). President Sherif was installed at the behest of the Western powers as a sto-gap in the face of the surging Islamist sentiment. He was a compromise candidate. "The government is weakened by the rebel forces," Somali Speaker Sheikh Aden Mohamed Nour warned. The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was set up by the African Union in cahoots with the UN Security Council to create a government when there was none. It was perceived from the start by Somalis as a farce and still is despite the parachuting in of the pious Sheikh Sherif as president. It is clearly in hot water. Now, with its security chief gone, only the bravest --or better -- most foolhardy Somalis will be prepared to put their faith in the TFG. The deficiencies of the TFG have become glaringly apparent. There is no escaping the fact that the humanitarian situation in Somalia is fast worsening. "All parties to the conflict have a responsibility to save lives and protect the civilian population," Shamsul Bar, the United Nations official responsible for human rights in Somalia told reporters in New York. "I was told during my recent visit to the region that there are specific well-organised camps set up to receive young boys and that children are being used in the frontline," he explained. The world dreads the militant Islamists of Somalia, especially if it comprised of angry and disfranchised adolescents. "These elements are a threat, not only to Somalia, but to the entire eastern African region and the larger international community," UN spokesperson Michele Montas warned in New York. This of course is a one-sided view of the situation, for there is a virtual news blackout of what's really going on and the only voice to be heard is that of pro-Western moderates. The UN-facilitated Djibouti process, aimed at restoring peace and stability in Somalia, is faltering under the pressure of the armed opposition groups of the country. The Djibouti process was instrumental in facilitating the formation of a new Somali government of national unity in February, incorporating the Islamists, thereby strengthening the TFG. It also enabled the creation of a newly expanded Somali parliament, twice the former size, to include 200 Islamists and 75 diaspora and NGO representatives. Rather than chivvying them to work out their own salvation, the tribal and clan leaders foment trouble among the people. The Council of Islamic Courts (CICs), who now dominate both the TFG and parliament, originally emerged as the only Somali leaders since the notorious military strongman Siad Barre (toppled in 1990) who have consistently refused to take advantage of the divisive dynamics of Somali society that their predecessors have so eagerly exploited. The CICs worked hard to overcome and dismantle tribal and clan cleavages. Yet, the CICs are today both government and opposition, and the militant opposition appears to have the upper hand with the moderates of the TFG sufficiently deterred not to return fire on the militants who have been pounding the hapless government forces for the past three months. The lure of political Islam was powerful among Somalis who wanted to forget the tribal and clan divisions of the past. The leader of the militant CICs and arch-enemy of the Ethiopians, Sheikh Dhaher Aweis, appears to be wrestling with other enemies -- tribal and clan politics and the grinding poverty of ordinary, long-suffering Somali men and women. Aweis identified tribal and clan politics as the bane of Somali politics. The current war in Somalia between different strands of political Islam could be seen as a kind of exorcism for the collective Somali, even Muslim conscience. On the question of identifying Ethiopia as public enemy number one in Somalia, Aweis stands on somewhat shaky grounds. Ethiopia is entitled to advance its national interests, not of course at the expense of Somalia, but it is determined to stem the steady flow of militant Islamists into its own territory. Aweis, vilified in the Western media, is a popular face in the Muslim world. His demise has been reported more than once -- wishful thinking on the part of the Western media and the current Somali government. He has repeatedly appeared on satellite television to deny that he was not killed in battle as the government forces periodically proclaim. The Somali people's brightest hope for a new start lies in a reconciliation process that reunites the CICs. This would weld together the clamorous clans of Somali tribal politicking and keep the Ethiopians out of the country. The Somalis do not take kindly to foreign intervention in their complex domestic affairs. Like the neighbouring and culturally akin Afar, the Somalis have a notorious reputation for vengeful retribution for those who dare intrude into their cruel wastelands. However, it sadly appears that the Somali president, leader of the moderate CICs, has learned nothing, yet forgotten nothing from the predicaments of his predecessor Abdallah Youssef. The violence will now test the robustness of the tottering TFG. The best hope to secure peace in Somalia is consensus not confrontation as far as the TFG is concerned. In the past, tempers would have cooled sufficiently to permit a practical discussion after the assassination of the TFG's security chief. Today, the atmosphere is acrimonious. Arguments to the contrary are based on unknowables. According to the TFG, an important interim step -- ironically since they are a creation of outsiders -- would be to deploy foreign troops. Ultimately, each country needs to take responsibility to ensure its own peace and stability.
