Ideologically as well as politically, Algeria and Libya no longer form a seamless whole, laments Gamal Nkrumah No country in North Africa is more clearly a beneficiary of Libya's political turmoil than is Algeria. Like Libya, Algeria's oil and natural gas fuel the power stations that keep Europe churning. The slump in Europe's economic growth may slow this trend down but not change its direction. Algeria and Libya have long been economic rivals, the closest geographical oil producers to the lucrative European markets. In the past, this physical proximity was a distinct advantage. Today, the two North African nations view themselves essentially as political and economic rivals. Libya's political fortunes are no longer inextricably intertwined with Algeria's goodwill and cooperation on the military, political and economic levels as they were during the days of the late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. The open secret in hushed café talk in North Africa is that Algeria was once of the greatest political beneficiaries of Gaddafi's largesse and that the strategic interests that bound the two countries did not last the fall of Gaddafi. Life would be easier for Algeria's ruling elite if Gaddafi had survived the NATO aggression against Libya. Security forces from Libya and Algeria have already had talks about sharing intelligence, joint border patrols and training in the post-Gaddafi period, but it is highly unlikely that the two countries will return to the congenial relations they enjoyed when the Libyan leader was at the helm in Tripoli. The urge to avoid having to make such a choice partly explains the Algerian government's rapprochement with the new Libyan authorities. The Libyans, too, are keen to make amends with the Algerians. But if Algeria's attempts to make serious friendship overtures towards Libya after Gaddafi's political demise, it must find a stable government in Libya to deal with. Algeria's state energy firm SONATRACH had invested heavily in the energy sector of Gaddafi's Libya. The Algerian energy giant had gas exploration rights in the Ghadames Basin of Libya adjacent to the Algerian border. Libya's new leaders want to renegotiate all previous oil and gas deals with foreign firms including SONATRACH. In Algeria's case, the Libyans have made it clear that such cooperation in the economic sphere would be concomitant on Algeria's good behaviour, couched in diplomatic terms that means that Algiers refrains from backing enemies of the National Transitional Council (NTC) in Libya. Gaddafi's widow Safiya, his daughter Aisha, two sons Mohamed and Hannibaal and a dozen of grandchildren have sought political asylum in Algeria. The authorities in Algiers have pledged not to permit Gaddafi's former henchmen and family members to indulge in anti-NTC propaganda and politics. It all sounds excellent on paper, but can the NTC make it work? Some sceptics say the two countries are fundamentally moving apart rather than moving closer. Algeria, after all, is the only North African country not to be seriously impacted by the "Arab Spring". The political system in Algeria remains practically intact. Yes, there is a modicum of democracy but the ruling National Liberation Front is firmly in charge. Algeria is promising to try harder to mend fences with Libya's new rulers, the NTC. But the leader of Libya's NTC Mustafa Abdel-Jalil was conspicuously absent from the state funeral accorded Algeria's first president Ahmed Ben Bella. Ironically, Abdel-Jalil flew into Algiers on a state visit soon after the burial of Ben Bella. A harsher message is emerging from some quarters in Libya. The relationship between the two countries must be founded on a brand new basis. "We understand the humanitarian stance that Algeria took," Abdel-Jalil, the NTC chief, told reporters after meeting with Algeria's President Abdel-Aziz Bouteflika, referring to Algeria's giving sanctuary to Gaddafi's immediate family members. Some Libyans think the Algerian government is dialoging not for the sake of cementing Algerian-Libyan traditional ties, but for its own Algerian ruling clique's interests. Libya's new political elite, too, is highly suspicious concerning Algeria's political establishment. How exactly that may be depends on where the new Libyan political figures come from geographically, ideologically and theologically. The region is in flux. The declaration of the Azawad Republic in northern Mali has thrown the entire Sahelian and Saharan region into a state of utter confusion. Libya knows that it must cooperate more closely with the regional power Algeria. Tripoli, however, wants to call the shots. The plight of people fleeing the region is keenly felt. Neither Algeria nor Libya wants to receive a steady flow of destitute refugees. Abdel-Jalil was not referring solely to Gaddafi's family and hangers-on when he stated that Algeria must not welcome anti-NTC forces in its territory. "But we must remain convinced that Algeria will not give refuge to those who represented a threat to Libya's security," Abdel-Jalil warned. "We have reached an agreement that anything that constitutes a threat to Libya, via financing or subversive activities, will not take place on Algerian territory," Abdel-Jalil disclosed. Whatever the truth of the matter, the Algerians were keeping mum. Indeed, the Algerian authorities appear to have a keener sense than the NTC bosses of a growing strategic dilemma.
