Al-Jazeera's release of 1,600 secret documents revealing unprecedented Palestinian concessions and Zionist expansionism has all but killed the peace process, writes Amira Howeidy What "sceptics" have said all along since the onset of the peace process two decades ago has now an abundance of evidence to support it: Palestinian-Israeli negotiations since Oslo in 1993 have seen nothing but escalating Palestinian concessions and the expansion of the Israeli occupation. There is no "two-state solution" in sight. In today's balance of power, we are faced with the fact that a television station -- the Doha-based Al-Jazeera channel, not Palestinian negotiators, resistance factions or even Israel -- is the side that has drawn a line in the sand. By releasing a selection of 1,600 secret documents and minutes of Palestinian-Israeli peace talks from 2003 to 2010 on Sunday, Al-Jazeera mainly exposed the weakness of the Palestinian Authority (PA), and its concessions to and collaboration with the occupier Israel against its own people. The release has stripped it of any remaining legitimacy; one can say that Al-Jazeera morally assassinated the PA. The documents, released by Al-Jazeera's newly formed "Transparency Unit" and labelled "The Palestine Papers", appear to have been leaked from a source or sources in the Palestine Liberation Organisation's (PLO) Negotiations Department. Al-Ahram Weekly was amongst a group of select experts and journalists who were invited by Al-Jazeera to study the documents and their findings in Doha prior to their release. It is the first time since the start of the peace process that such an amount of minutes and records of negotiations have been made public. They are not, as Palestinian expert and historian Bashir Nafi, who was in charge of the documents, explains, to be equated to recent releases from WikiLeaks, which contained third-level confidential or secret content. The Palestine Papers document what players in peace talks from both sides are saying and doing behind closed doors over the span of a seven-year period in the 63-year-old Arab- Israeli conflict. The revelations are startling, shocking and surprising although facts on the ground have long substantiated the claims of critics that this is exactly what has been going on in the talks. Now the minutes are available: powerful evidence that none can ignore. It changes everything. THE REVELATIONS: The documents show that the PA made unprecedented compromises on Haram Al-Sharif (the compound that contains Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock); ceded the right of six million Palestinian refugees to return home (agreeing to the return of a limited quota of 10,000); offered to Israel the annexation of all settlements in East Jerusalem except Har Homa; agreed to land swaps that gave up precious Palestinian territory to Israel; supported Israel's self-identification as a "Jewish state"; cooperated with Israel against the Palestinian resistance, especially Hamas; made efforts to help the Iranian opposition (the minutes revealed that PA chairman Mahmoud Abbas convinced a Palestinian businessman to pay Iranian opposition leader Hussein Mousavi $50m to fund his radio station); and pursued negotiations for the sake of its political survival. The documents also expose the extent of the Israeli side's disrespect for international law; their openly declared efforts to create a pure Jewish state; their refusal to commit to peace agreements signed with the Palestinians; the use of negotiations to pursue ethnic cleansing of Israel's Arab population; admissions that their policy of building settlements on occupied Palestinian territory is to make the establishment of a viable Palestinians state impossible; and illustrates their commitment to Zionist expansionism. Further, the documents demonstrate how the US -- the supposed "honest" broker of the peace process -- pressured the Palestinians to resume futile negotiations. FLAWED PEACE PROCESS: While the above paints a dim picture of the peace process compared to 10 years ago, it is only because of the continuation of talks based on the already flawed Oslo process, which never guaranteed the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state, the return of refugees, the dismantling of illegal Israeli settlements or Israel's withdrawal to the 1967 borders. This is why what the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat rejected in Camp David 2000 -- which included dividing the sovereignty of East Jerusalem between Israel and the Palestinians -- was proposed, eight years later, by a weaker and more compromising Palestinian Authority to Israel. The minutes reveal that Palestinian negotiators offered Israel a map during negotiations on 4 May 2008 that allowed Israel to annex illegal East Jerusalem settlements in a land swap bid of 1.9 per cent, but then Israeli foreign minister Tzipi Livni said the map did not meet Israeli "demands". Palestinian negotiator Ahmed Qurei put it bluntly on 15 June 2008 to Israeli and US negotiators: "We proposed that Israel annexes all settlements in Jerusalem except Jabal Abu Ghneim (Har Homa). This is the first time in history that we make such a proposition; we refused to do so in Camp David." In the words of Chief Palestinian Negotiator Saeb Ereikat two weeks later: "It is no secret that on the map we proposed we are offering you the biggest 'Yerushalayim' in history." A year later, Ereikat indicated in a meeting with US Envoy George Mitchell on 27 February 2009 that PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas seemed approving of an offer then Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert made to him which exceeded the Palestinians' initial 1.9 per cent proposal. "When Olmert spoke of 6.5 per cent in exchange for 5.8 [per cent], and Abu Mazen (Abbas) agreed to swaps in East Jerusalem, this is significant," he said. No official agreement was ever made on land swaps, but Israel's settlement expansion deep into the West Bank, in what's supposed to be a future Palestinian state, has already carved part of the "Jewish" state's borders. The minutes also expose how the Obama administration fully supports Israel's refusal to recognise 1967 borders as a baseline for negotiations, contrary to the Bush administration's policy. Instead, US Envoy George Mitchell explicitly told Ereikat that the Bush administration's reference to the 1967 borders was "not legally binding". This strengthens Israel's expansionist plans. Livni is repeatedly quoted in the minutes saying the Israelis "never" accepted the 1967 borders. It becomes clear from the extended minutes on Livni that while the Palestinians are talking about a "two-state solution" the Israelis refer to two states for two peoples: one is for the "Jewish people -- with Jerusalem the united and undivided capital of Israel and of the Jewish people for 3007 years," and Palestine "for the Palestinian people. We did not want to say that there is a 'Palestinian people' but we've accepted your right to self-determination," in the words of Livni (13 November 2007). This formula kills the two-state solution and paves the way for the creation of a Zionist state with borders that envelope settlements deep into occupied Palestinian territory and omit Arab villages on the 1967 line. What remains for a Palestinian state is an archipelago of a portion of the West Bank and Gaza, and perhaps symbolic custodianship of Haram Al-Sharif. The Palestine Papers show a weak and desperate Palestinian leadership that accepts this and more. Qurei is quoted discussing the resettling of millions of Palestinians refugees in their host Arab states (Jordan, Lebanon and Syria) after relinquishing their right to return. Palestinian negotiators also accepted a demilitarised state. Further, the PA admits it is implicated in the killing of Palestinians as part of its role of maintaining Israel's "security" in the West Bank. "We have had to kill Palestinians to establish one authority, one gun, and the rule of law. We continue to perform our obligations," Ereikat tells US diplomat David Hale on 17 September 2009. The PA's "obligations" turned the West Bank to a police state which Keith Dayton, head of the US Security Coordinators Team in Israel and the occupied territories, applauds in a meeting in June 2009. He tells Ereikat that of the Palestinian "intelligence guys" in the West Bank, "the Israelis like them. They say they are giving as much as they are taking from them." But -- he adds -- they're "causing some problems for international donors because they are torturing people." Livni, meanwhile, is pleased that security in the West Bank is "more under control" because Israel is there and "the fact that we are working together" (31 March 2008). The same spirit applies to cooperation against what Livni calls in the minutes (15 June 2008) "our common enemy", Hamas. Israel's "strategic view", she tells Qurei in April 2008, "is to strengthen you and weaken Hamas". Ereikat is quoted on 10 May 2006 as asking Dayton for guns and ammunition, "particularly with the situation in Gaza". When Dayton replies saying he will raise this with the Israelis the following day, Ereikat proposes the "need to re-establish security liaison with Israel. This is the best way to maintain security." Further evidence of a corrupt, weak and compromising PA is all over the Palestine Papers. The minutes tell us that time is up for the peace process and the two-state solution. It might or might not be the end of the PA also. The PLO still exists, so does its legislative body, the Palestinian National Council, alongside growing calls for a one-state solution. To access the documents visit: transparency.aljazeera.net. Palestinian tell Israeli: Reoccupy Philadelphia Crossing Date: February 4, 2008 Participants: Palestinian negotiator Ahmed Qurei Israeli foreign minister Tzipi Livni Livni : What about the Gaza Strip? Qurei : I accompanied President Abu Mazen in his trip to Cairo and we met with Minister Omar Suleiman and President Mobarak. It's become clear to the Egyptians that opening the borders isn't a game and what Hamas endangers Egyptian national security. They want to work in accordance with the agreement signed in 2005, but Hamas refused this. They said harsh words to him and President Mobarak refused to meet with them. Minister Omar Suleiman met with them instead without any media coverage. The Egyptian told Hamas this was the last time they'd allow them to do such thing. In Gaza the Egyptian position is taken seriously. Rafah is the only passage they've after you closed the borders with Israel and thrown the ball in the Egyptians court. Livni : The ball didn't come from Israel, but from Egypt to Gaza. How can we stop it? Qurei : But it reached the hands of Hamas and you know how to stop it if you want. Livni : The ball has to be caught in Egypt. Qurei : I didn't hear from you a stormy protest. Livni : It seems that each party is working for its own benefit without any coordination; I mean the Israelis, Palestinians and Egyptians. Qurei : I've great doubts about your position toward the Gaza Strip. Livni : Put everything on the table and be clear and plain. Qurei : You're supporting Hamas to segregate Gaza because your aim is separation. Livni : The content of our work is to establish two states from the sea to the river, the state of Israel and the state of Palestine in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. We withdrew from the Strip. Qurei : But you're still occupying the Gaza Strip. Livni : How? Qurei : You control the entire Gaza Strip. Livni : We'll never concede anything with regard to our security needs. Our position is now to allow for the establishment of two Hamases in the Gaza Strip. We'll not give legitimacy to Hamas and we'll stop the smuggling of money and arms from Egypt. Did the opening of the borders appear to be a victory of Hamas? Qurei : Yes, they appeared to have ended the siege. Livni : The Egyptians don't do enough, and we're sure they can do much more. Qurei : What can you do about the Philadelphia Crossing? Livni : We're not there. Qurei : You've re-occupied the West Bank, and you can occupy the crossing if you want. Livni : We can re-occupy the Gaza Strip. What is your position? (Later) Livni : Do you have doubts that we want to separate the Gaza Strip? Is this considered a threat or a victory for Hamas?" Qurei : Do you remember Rabin's saying: I hope to sleep and wake up and see that the sea has swallowed Gaza. Livni : We've a saying too. When you want to curse somebody you tell 'Go to Hell' but we shorten it and say 'Go to Gaza.' Demilitarise, you have no other choice Fourth Plenary Meeting on Security Date: May 27, 2008 Participants: Israeli Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, Israeli Maj. Gen Amos Gilad, Palestinian negotiator Ahmed Qurei, Chief Palestinian Negotiator Saeb Ereikat Livni : First: demilitarization -- what you call limited arms. The equation is that on one hand you will have some limited arms for law and order and for fighting internal terrorism. But there is no need -- and we cannot afford -- a Palestinian army Qurei : My question is why are you concerned about Palestinians more than the other neighbours. You don't make these demands on them Livni : We have similar agreements with Egypt -- all of Sinai is demilitarised. Qurei : So our desert can be demilitarized? Gilad : Without demilitarisation your strategic depth will be bigger than ours!...the way we look at the Middle East, your army contradicts our basic understanding of security. Qurei : We have a confrontation with Hamas after they made an illegal coup. Livni : So as you see it -- Lebanon, with Hizbollah militia -- it is possible that Lebanon will be under control of Hizbollah tomorrow morning. Qurei : You can say it already is. Ereikat : Do I have a choice of who to place on my territory? Livni : No. Ereikat : Can I choose where I secure external defence? Livni : No. In order to create your state you have to agree in advance with Israel -- you choose not to have the right of choice afterwards. These are the basic pillars. Ereikat : Are you ruling out a third party? Gilad : May [...] examples of third party presence... Livni : There will be perhaps a third party role -- but not a military role -- no tanks with any flags including Israeli flags. Qurei : So no agreement with army regardless... Livni : Strong police for law and order but not external threats. The border is with Jordan, you think Jordan is a threat... Ereikat : Not a threat. Is it [Jordan] a threat to you today? Livni : Usually when you fear external threats, it is from a neighbor. We are strategic allies. But radical movements are an increasing risk to us. Ereikat : Do you see your army in our territory? Livni : We don't see ourselves in the territory except for limited cases, like early warning stations and the Jordon Valley [Jordan Valley] not as territory, but a presence at the border Ereikat : Seriously, why? Gilad : Jordan is not a threat because they really believe in peace, and the basic pillar of this is security. PA critical of Egypt, Arabs Meeting minutes: 21 October 2009 Gen. James Jones, Mideast Envoy Dennis Ross Chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Ereikat Ereikat: ".. Egypt. It has been our ally, our backbone. We always consulted them. And then their Foreign Minister Abul-Gheit comes to us and says -- verbatim -- [after the Palestinian Authority deferred the Goldstone report] 'You're finished!' Then he attends a press conference in Amman to say he did not know about it in advance. Then, they say to us, 'Come to Cairo on Oct. 25 so you can sign this document." When we ask if we can see the document [2009 Palestinian Reconciliation Agreement] or know what's in it, they say, 'No. Come on the 25th and we will send it to you on the 10th.' I was here in Washington at the time, and I told Mitchell and the Secretary, you have to ask the Egyptians to see what they have... They call us to denounce Hamas and then call Hamas to denounce us, so they can get off the hook. We said let them all sweat: We will sign, and we sent Azzam Ahmed to Cairo. When Hamas didn't show up, we said it's off the table. (This is the worst document -- I would not sign in a million years, but we had no choice: this is the behaviour of nations in 2009.)" Then there's the Saudis -- and thank you for helping us to get the $200 million. We could not have done that without you. They accused us of being "smugglers". Ross: That's true [re the $200M]. Ereikat: The Saudis are too busy equating us with Hamas... Five, Qatar. When you have the emir of Qatar personally calling Arab and Palestinian intellectuals to talk about us... We know you have Central Command and Petreaus, and your interests... And Turkey... So where do we fit in all of this -- in the bigger picture -- AlQaeda and Ahmedinejad ... Where are we?... Ten days ago, we had to convince a Palestinian businessman to pay $50 million for [Iranian opposition leader Mir Hussein] Mussawi to have a radio station. (Later) Jones: We got the message and we will act on it with urgency. And thank you for what you did a couple weeks ago; it was very courageous. [Timing coincides with the PA's deferral of the Goldstone report on Israel's war crimes in Gaza.] Ross: Just one question. Regarding this whole approach to the Arabs... what's driving it? -- we're going to deal with them. Ereikat: Let me just say, if they know I'm here complaining about them we stand to lose a lot. But with Egypt, you should tell them, next time they need to share things with you. The next time there's a paper your legal adviser has to review it. Ross: I can tell you we did put pressure on the Egyptians. I read the document [on reconciliation] -- it's a disaster. We were blunt ... Ereikat: The Saudis are also crucial... With Iran, Hizbullah, Syria -- jumping around the region. They are doing nothing. Abu Mazen is doing Saudi Arabia's job. Instead they equate him with Hamas. The region is slipping away like sand through our hands. Jones: I agree with that. Ereikat: You have to put together a matrix of interests to see where we stand. There's this pattern of Arab reconciliation -- and we pay the price. This pattern must stop. I hope the Egyptians see us now in action. We didn't want to let them off the hook. I said to Omar Suleiman, 'How can we sign a document without seeing it?' And then you say, 'You're finished.'! Jones: It's insulting. We'll take care of this.
