By Dina Ezzat Egypt's relations with the US are anything but simple. Yet despite some conflicting interests, that might lead to political rivalries in the Middle East and Africa, there are basic reasons for close coordination. Egypt, a leading power in the region, cannot afford too many political confrontations with a super-power such as the US. And Washington has no reason to antagonise an Arab world that is already frustrated with the continuing stalemate in regional peace-making. Against this background, Foreign Minister Amr Moussa and Secretary of State Madeleine Albright will open a strategic dialogue, the first of its kind, in Washington tomorrow. "This dialogue should give Egypt and the US the opportunity to adopt a more holistic approach in discussing all issues of mutual interest," Moussa said. The dialogue is Cairo's brainchild. "When you deal with super-powers, you have to realise that they are stubborn on occasion. Since a political confrontation is not in anybody's interest, the right thing is to talk," an Egyptian official said. Egypt first proposed the dialogue way back in 1995, following a fallout with Washington over the latter's insistence on an indefinite extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), to which all Middle Eastern countries, except Israel, are subscribers. It took the Americans three years to agree to tomorrow's meeting. If successful, the dialogue is likely to be held on an annual basis. Close allies as they may be, Cairo and Washington have some serious differences. There is the thorny issue of nuclear disarmament in the Middle East. Cairo is unhappy that the US has not kept a promise, made during the 1995 NPT extension negotiations, to declare the Middle East a nuclear weapon free zone. Sources suggest that Washington might even be obstructing efforts made in international bodies and gatherings to achieve this target. Moreover, Cairo is also displeased that Washington is objecting to its acquisition of medium-range, ground-to-ground missiles although the US continues to supply Israel with nuclear technology. It was only last month that Cairo joined seven other nuclear disarmament advocates in publishing an appeal for a nuclear weapon free world. The eight countries -- Egypt, Brazil, Ireland, Mexico, New Zealand, Slovenia, South Africa and Sweden -- urged Israel, India and Pakistan to join the non-proliferation regime. They criticised the nuclear states for inexcusably failing to honour their disarmament commitments. Along another front, Washington is not too happy with Egyptian attempts to muster mounting Arab support for the Palestinian position in the deadlocked peace process. "The US and Israel do not like these inter-Arab consultations. They say that they are destructive to the peace process," said an Egyptian official. This was evidenced by Washington's opposition to Tuesday's UN General Assembly resolution that upgraded the status of the Palestinian UN observer delegation, giving it rights closer to those of a member state. US Ambassador Bill Richardson called it "the wrong resolution at the wrong time" and said it would add to the difficulties facing the peace process. And the US does not hide its opposition to a possible Arab summit that could react, economically and politically, to the intransigent policies of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, who has consistently shirked Israel's commitments under the Oslo accords. This is despite the fact that the US has failed so far to persuade Israel to accept its proposal for a 13.1 per cent withdrawal from West Bank territory in return for tougher Palestinian Authority action against the Islamist resistance. Turning to Africa, where the US has been showing ever growing interest, an Egyptian source said: "We would like very much to see the US investing in the development of Africa. We are aware that the US has political and economic interests in Africa. But we also have our security, geo-political, geo-strategic and economic interests in our continent. So, let us coordinate." But for coordination to be feasible, the US has to abandon all plans and efforts to divide Sudan into southern and northern states. The same goes for Somalia. The US also needs to recognise Egypt's national security interests in the Horn of Africa and the littoral states of the Nile. Cairo also insists that East Africa should not be a stage for any anti-Egyptian, or anti-Arab, military action. For its part, Cairo will have to live with a US presence in the strategic Horn of Africa to secure American access to the Red Sea. Other issues of contention include the economic sanctions imposed on Iraq and Libya, Turkish-Israeli military cooperation, relations with Iran and, of course, the reduction of US economic aid to Egypt. In short, this strategic dialogue is a tough undertaking.
