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Targeting Tehran
Targeting Tehran
Published in
Al-Ahram Weekly
on 17 - 01 - 2002
Israel is waging a diplomatic offensive to persuade the US administration that
Iran
should be next on the "war against terror" hit list. Galal Nassar assesses the implications
Where will the US strike next? The question has been splashed across the world's media and is being asked of political and military analysts everywhere.
Washington
remains tight-lipped on the subject. But
Israel
, its closest ally, seems to have made up its mind.
Israeli
officials are trying to persuade their friends in the US that
Iran
should be next on the hit list.
Iran
is a major source of backing for Lebanon's Hizbullah -- a common enemy to both
Israel
and the US.
Iran
,
Israel
claims, is giving military and financial backing to armed Palestinian groups in the occupied territories, something apparently confirmed by the Karin-A affair which has recently hit the headlines. US intelligence reports about
Iran
's nuclear potential may also be used to further the case against
Iran
.
Israeli
Defence Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer is likely to use these kinds of arguments during his
Washington
visit later this month.
Iran
is a long-time US bogeyman, a free agent in a region that -- as
Washington
sees it -- could use some disciplining. Ever since the Islamic revolution in 1979, the US and
Iran
have been sworn enemies.
Iran
's attempts to export its revolutionary ideology may have been tempered by age, but they have not been totally forgotten.
Just before 11 September,
Iran
sent naval and air forces to the Caspian Sea to safeguard an emerging status quo that gives it a share in the area's rich oil resources.
Iranian
forces drove US companies, which were ostensibly prospecting on behalf of other Caspian Sea countries, out of what
Tehran
claims to be
Iranian
territorial water.
Another worry for
Washington
is the affinity that mostly-Shi'ite Central Asian countries feel for
Iran
. Furthermore,
Iran
's half-hearted support for the US-led international coalition did not please US officials as much as it might.
One effect of the
Afghanistan
debacle has been increased tensions between countries that once supported one Afghan faction or another. This is good news to the Americans, who now see themselves as the region's ultimate power broker. The recent rise of temperature in
India
-
Pakistan
relations is just one of many signs that a scramble for power is afoot in the region.
From the US point of view,
Iran
remains an untamed opponent, a local power to be subdued. The
Israelis
, of course, would be glad to help. It would not be surprising, therefore, to see some measure being taken against
Iran
in the near future: A package of US-style international economic sanctions, or perhaps a strike by
Israel
, may be on the cards. The war of words is already on.
On Thursday, President George W Bush warned
Tehran
against attempting to destabilise
Afghanistan
and called on
Iranian
officials to cooperate in the war against terror and not to allow Al- Qa'eda members to take refuge in
Iran
. The
Iranian
government responded by calling Bush's statements groundless. The US president was not impressed. He reiterated that neutrality is unacceptable in the US war against terror. "You're either with us or against us," Bush said, calling on
Iran
to play a more active role in the coalition.
Iran
's Arab neighbours the
Iraqis
may be even higher on the US hit list, however, and
Iranian
officials are divided as to whether they should support a possible US strike against
Iraq
. Ayatollah Khamenei's followers oppose a US strike against their neighbour, for fear that the Americans would install a US-backed regime in
Baghdad
. Current
Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein, they argue, is better than a US-backed regime that may instigate regional trouble.
Iranian
President Khatami's supporters are more philosophical about the situation, however. If the coalition is determined to strike at
Iraq
, they argue, it would be less politically costly for
Iran
to support the strike than oppose it.
Khatami's supporters expect that the coalition will take one of two paths of action against
Baghdad
.
Iraq
will either be subjected to tougher sanctions and closer monitoring through the return of weapons inspectors -- or be dealt with by a military strike aimed at overthrowing the regime.
Iranian
intelligence are reporting widespread discontent in
Iraq
as the regime scrambles to mobilise on all fronts.
There is also the question of missiles. The CIA is warning that the US may face a ballistic missile attack by
North Korea
,
Iran
, or
Iraq
during the next 15 years. According to a CIA report, prepared in December and leaked two weeks ago,
Iran
and
Iraq
will take a few years yet to produce a nuclear weapon.
North Korea
already has one or possibly two nuclear weapons, however.
Baghdad
still has a limited number of Scud missiles, but is unlikely to be able to test a long- range missile that can reach the US before 2015. In the absence of monitoring, the report says,
Iraq
will need years before collecting enough material to produce a nuclear device.
Iran
, on the other hand, could produce a nuclear weapon by 2010 according to the CIA. It is currently developing a missile, Shehab-3, with a range of 1,300 kilometres -- which would put
Israel
squarely within striking distance.
Israeli
Defence Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer has warned that
Iran
could develop nuclear capabilities sufficient to threaten
Israel
and the world by 2005.
Iran
would be in a better position to support terror if this happens, he argued.
For his part,
Israeli
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon says that
Iran
is pursuing three lines of policy that put it on a collision course with
Israel
. Firstly, Sharon said,
Iran
is giving arms to Hizbullah. He mentioned the figure of 8,000 Katyusha rockets. Secondly,
Tehran
is also supplying the Palestinian Authority with weapons. Here Sharon reiterated his claims about the ship Karine-A.
Thirdly, claimed Sharon,
Iran
is maintaining active links with the Arab minority in
Israel
. In a statement given to
Israeli
newspaper Maarev, the prime minister said he felt that
Iran
could strike
Israel
on more than one front.
If the Palestinian Authority were to use
Iranian
-supplied weapons against
Israel
, for example, Hizbullah would fire the Katyushas at northern
Israeli
villages.
The message
Israeli
officials are hinting at with the Americans is that
Iran
is a threat so serious that
Israel
will have to react, with or without US support. The
Iranian
nuclear reactor is no less of a threat to
Israel
than the
Iraqi
one which
Israel
destroyed two decades ago,
Israeli
officials maintain.
Ben-Eliezer's visit to
Washington
is likely to focus on this topic, and speculation is already underway that
Israel
is planning a strike against
Iran
's nuclear reactor.
Iran
, aware of these moves, is annoyed but defiant. Former
Iranian
President Hashemi Rafsanjani described George W Bush's remarks as "crude and insulting," saying
Iran
cannot let itself be bullied by the US.
Iranian
officials are concerned about increased US influence in
Afghanistan
and other neighbouring countries. They also fear that once the US gets matters settled in
Afghanistan
, it will begin targeting other Arab and Islamic countries.
Tehran
was particularly piqued by a recent visit by
Israeli
Foreign Minister Shimon Peres to
India
, during which the
Israeli
minister made statements which the
Iranians
regarded as provocative.
At the moment, however,
Iran
is virtually surrounded. Western troops and allies are deployed all around it:
Turkey
to the northwest, US bases in
Uzbekistan
to the northeast, US forces in
Afghanistan
to the east, possible western bases in
Pakistan
, and -- if
Iraq
's president is deposed -- a possible pro-US regime in
Baghdad
.
Nevertheless,
Tehran
is not completely isolated. It has strong military links with
North Korea
,
China
and
Russia
. Its cooperation with these countries could conceivably help it amass an impressive arsenal of conventional and non-conventional weapons in the not-too-distant future.
North Korea
is said to have developed ballistic missiles that can reach the US, but has voluntarily refrained from testing them.
China
has 75 to 100 nuclear warheads, most of them pointed at the US.
Beijing
also has 20 transcontinental missiles that can reach US soil, and 10 long-range missiles that could be used against
Russian
and Asian targets.
Russia
is an even more powerful ally. Even with a reduced nuclear arsenal, it will still have close to 2,000 nuclear warheads by 2015.
The proliferation of missile technology has worried the US so much that it is about to design a defence system against long-range missile attacks. This is the purpose of the so- called missile shield, an idea which is making many uncomfortable.
China
has already voiced opposition to such system, for fear that it may be used to protect Taiwan.
Newly installed Afghan officials, too, have expressed some animosity toward
Iran
. Official sources in
Kabul
have accused
Iran
of providing support to local Afghan tribal chiefs who oppose foreign presence in
Afghanistan
.
Tehran
thinks the charges are motivated by the new government's desire to please
India
and
Israel
, among others.
For the time being, though, the
Iranians
are keeping their cool with the new administration. They have even offered help in rebuilding
Afghanistan
's economy and army.
Before 11 September,
Iran
was already a major backer of the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance.
Tehran
's aim was to prevent the Taliban from controlling areas close to its western borders. During the civil war in
Afghanistan
, the
Iranians
established a strong intelligence presence in
Afghanistan
, and forged strong alliances. One of the friendships they developed was with a certain General Ismail Khan. A former Herat governor, Khan spent time in Taliban prisons and had to flee to
Iran
more than once. Last November, Khan described
Iran
as "a model" Islamic country.
Iran
's ability to stay on good terms with
Afghanistan
will depend on the goodwill of such friends.
A game of regional rivalry is unfolding from the shores of the Mediterranean to the Caspian Sea. It's a game in which
Israel
is eager to portray its foes as villains who should be brought to justice, and one in which the US is eager to strike more than one bird with the stone of anti-terror action. In this game, the true victims of terror -- the Palestinian families who are now freezing in harsh winter weather in makeshift camps in Gaza -- are all but forgotten.
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