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Syria's changing political landscape
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 07 - 07 - 2005

Syrians are hopeful that they are witnessing measurable political reform for the first time in decades, writes Sami Moubayed from Damascus
Promises of increased freedoms for political parties to operate in Syria at the conclusion of the ruling Baath Party conference held in Damascus on 9 June are, it appears, being fulfilled, as unprecedented changes in domestic Syrian politics take shape. Less than 10 days after the Baathist conference ended, Syrians witnessed the creation of two new political parties.
The Movement of Free Patriots was created in Aleppo, calling for democracy, liberalism, and the repudiation of all socialist legislation that confiscated private property after the Baathists came to power on 8 March, 1963. On 17 June, another party was created in the coastal city of Latakia called the Committee of National Democratic Dialogue. It too called for democracy and for abrogating the one-party system created by the Baath Party.
One of the most prominent names to sign the founding document was Nabil Sulayman, the Syrian novelist who was a leading member of the "Damascus Spring", the brief moment of political liberalisation that took place in 2000-2001 following the death of former Syrian President Hafez Al-Assad. The founders of both movements in Latakia and Aleppo have not been harassed by authorities, and within days of the conference's end, the opposition leader, Nabil Fayyad, who had recently joined the US-based Reform Party of Farid Al-Ghadry, returned to Damascus. He too, was not harassed by authorities, although he is a member of a party funded by the United States government which calls for regime change in Syria.
There are, however, worrying signs that contradict these positive political developments. In June 2005, authorities shut down Al-Mubki, a new weekly magazine based in Homs, because it accused Iyad Ghazal of corruption. Also in June, authorities permanently shut down the Jamal Al-Atasi Forum, a venue for democratic dialogue that had operated since 2000. Its "crime" was that its board had permitted a public reading of a statement delivered to them by Ali Sadr Al-Din Al-Baynouni, the leader of the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.
Authorities arrested Ali Al-Abdullah, the man who read the statement, along with members of the board, including the forum founder Suhayr Al-Atasi. They were released six days later, but Abdullah remains in jail. The government, willing to absorb the bad publicity it would receive by making these arrests, clearly felt that sending a message to the Muslim Brotherhood outweighed any negative media it would receive. The most visible change being felt in Syria, however, one month after the conference's end, has been the shake-up within Syria's military, intelligence, and political command.
Mohamed Said Bukhaytan, the national security advisor, has become assistant secretary-general of the Baath Party, replacing the aging Abdullah Al-Ahmar, who has been at the post since 1970. Bukhaytan has a reputation for being an enlightened Baathist with reformist views, unlike Ahmar, and is close to President Bashar Al-Assad. Replacing him as national security advisor is Hisham Ikhtiyar, a retired officer from Damascus who had previously served as director of general intelligence, and replacing Ikhtiyar at his post is Ali Mamluke, an officer, also from Damascus, in his mid-50s.
Shortly after assuming office, Mamluke announced that he will minimise interaction between Syrian intelligence and the mukhabarat (secret service) and refrain from harassing or persecuting political dissidents, as was routine in the past. Fuad Nasif Khayr Bey, an officer from military intelligence, has replaced Bahjat Sulayman, the powerful director of Intelligence Branch 251 (internal security). Sulayman had held this post since 1998 and was considered one of Syria's most powerful officers, enjoying excellent relations with President Al-Assad.
Abdullah Al-Dardari, the independent director of the State Planning Bureau, has been appointed deputy prime minister for economic affairs, a post that has been vacant since 2003. Dardari, a British-educated former UNDP official with liberal views and an unblemished record, has grand plans for reforming the Syrian economy and is on excellent terms both with Syria's business community and President Al-Assad. He is the first non- Baathist to assume this job since the party came to power in 1963.
Other anticipated reforms include a cabinet change, expected by mid-July 2005. Foreign Minister Farouk Al-Shara will likely replace Abdel-Halim Khaddam as vice president, a post the latter had held since 1984. The second vice president, Zuhayr Masharka, also retired during the Baathist conference. The candidate most likely to replace Al-Shara as minister of foreign affairs is Walid Al-Mouallim, the current deputy minister who was Syria's ambassador to Washington between 1990-2000 and who handled Syria's peace talks with Israel in the mid-1990s. A cunning and crafty statesman, he will be charged with correcting the numerous diplomatic blunders of Syria's foreign service, which occurred mainly after the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. He will also be charged with mending Syria's ties with both Washington and Lebanon, where he served as mediator until Prime Minister Rafik Al-Hariri was killed in February 2005.
A "Higher Media Council" will be established in Syria, which will allow the opening of private political newspapers and television stations, yet there is much debate on whether or not to retain the Ministry of Information. If it stays, one of the most likely candidates to replace Information Minister Mehdi Dakhlallah is Buthaina Shaaban, the minister of expatriate affairs who has served as spokeswoman for the Baath Party. She would be assisted at her job by Diana Jabbour, the newly-appointed director of Syrian TV and radio. The women would be responsible for taking charge of an institution widely viewed by Syrians as failing to effectively make Syria's case internationally after being accused of being behind the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Al-Hariri.
Another possible change is the creation of a Ministry for Sports and Youth Affairs. Sulayman Qaddah, the former deputy secretary-general of the Baath Party, has been moved to the less powerful and public post of deputy president of the National Progressive Front (NPF), a parliamentary coalition of socialist parties headed by the Baath. As for the post of prime minister, two men reportedly stand as candidates for the job: current Finance Minister Mohamed Husayn and current Prime Minister Mohamed Naji Al-Otari.
This effectively ends all speculation that a non-Baathist might be called in to create a cabinet in the post-conference period. At the conference, the new regional command of the party allocated a seat on its 14-person board to the office of the prime minister, meaning that the prime minister would have to be a member of the ruling party.
One month after the much anticipated conference, Syrians are beginning to feel the changes. Familiar faces have always been a curse in Syria, where four generations have been raised and ruled by the same political figures. The sacking of so many senior officials was therefore warmly received throughout Syria. If these changes in top leadership are not backed with immediate action, then the same disappointment that prevailed with officials prior to the conference will return to mark the era of the new figures.
Many pessimists claim that as long as Article Eight remains in the Syrian constitution, which states that the Baath Party is the ruling party of the state and society, then no real change will take place. Others argue that Article Eight can remain while the political reality surrounding it can change, making the article itself insignificant.


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