The ghosts of Sudan's wars must be laid to rest with the triumphant return of former rebel John Garang to Khartoum, writes Gamal Nkrumah Hindsight is a great advantage. Peace saves lives, and so does political compromise. It is always inspiring to see former sworn enemies, especially bitter ones, become allies. And, in the case of Sudan, this is doubly inspiring because it involves pertinent issues of race, ethnicity and religion. In 1972, the Addis Ababa agreement between the then military government of Jaafar Al-Numeiri and the Anyanya II secessionist movement of southern Sudan was greeted with much enthusiasm. Anyanya II leader Joseph Lago was made vice president of Sudan. But, the sense of optimism fast petered away. The old political rivalries and religious tensions surfaced and Numeiri soon instituted Islamic Shariaa law, a move that antagonised the country's southern, predominantly non-Muslim, population. These lessons may not apply everywhere, but they certainly apply to Sudan's war-torn, far-flung provinces -- in Darfur and eastern Sudan -- all staunchly Muslim. It was these underlying tensions that rendered the 1972 Addis Ababa accord an irrelevant aside. War erupted once again, this time spearheaded by the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and its leader John Garang. The Sudanese civil war was ugly. It left millions dead and millions more displaced, orphaned and widowed. The atrocities committed on all sides were horrendous and on a gargantuan scale. The war in Sudan was a grim reminder of the inhumanity of man to man. The perpetrators, whether in the south or in Darfur, were mostly Arabised militias aligned to the government of Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Beshir. Their crimes demean all Arabs and Africans. First, the victims in Darfur and southern Sudan and the Nuba Mountains must have justice. Next the people of Sudan must recognise the wrongs done by the militias and military juntas of the past. They murdered, raped, forcibly threw people out of their villages and rendered millions homeless. The ongoing war in Darfur and eastern Sudan is equally intense. The battles in Darfur and eastern Sudan are made all the more poignant because of the political reconciliation in Khartoum between the Sudanese government and the SPLA. A semblance of democracy finally intrudes into the Sudanese political scene, and the people of Darfur and eastern Sudan, too, want a slice of the new Sudan. It is just the beginning, but is it too late? This week, a new power-sharing constitution also comes into force, formally promulgated by the Sudanese president. Islamic Shariaa law will only be applied to the predominantly northern part of Sudan. The people of the south will have their own secular laws. They will be asked to vote in a referendum on whether they want to secede from Sudan. This decision will be made in six years so they have some time. The important point is that only the people of the south will decide the fate of their vast region, the size of France, Germany and Italy put together. It is in this context that the public reconciliation of Garang and Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir last weekend seemed to have overcome the traditional cynicism of the world to things Sudanese. Last Saturday, Garang, accompanied by his wife Rebecca, was sworn in as Sudan's first vice president, replacing Ali Othman Mohamed Taha who becomes second vice president. The entire scene was seen as a gratifying victory for the former rebel leader turned statesman. "My presence here in Khartoum is a true sign that the war is over," Garang told reporters at the signing ceremony. No less than 10 heads of state and government, mainly from neighbouring African states, attended the swearing-in ceremony. Guests also included United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa and United States Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick. Egypt was represented by Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif. The state of emergency was lifted in all parts of the country -- both north and south, save in the two war-torn provinces of Kassala and the Red Sea in eastern Sudan and Darfur in the far west of the country. Censorship restrictions were also lifted. But not everyone is happy. "This will help in cementing the peace agreement and play a role in informing the public and pointing out the shortcomings of the government," said the pro-government Secretary-General of the Sudanese Journalist Union Al-Fateh Al-Sayed. However, critically important opposition figures are left out of the reconciliation process. Umma Party leader Sadig Al-Mahdi and his Popular Congress Party counterpart, for example, are not playing ball. Moreover, they have decided to join hands in an opposition pact. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA), Sudan's largest umbrella opposition grouping, has reluctantly joined the fray. The NDA signed a memorandum of understanding with the Sudanese government in Cairo, Egypt, last month. But, NDA figures are miffed at their bantam representation in the new government of national unity. The Sudanese opposition is also angry at the way the new constitution was drafted. "It is a badly drafted constitution. It is even worse than the previous one," PCP leader Hassan Al-Turabi told Al-Ahram Weekly. Al-Turabi said the country's new constitution was drafted undemocratically. The charter was drafted by the National Constitutional Review Commission dominated by members of the ruling party and the SPLA. Al-Turabi fell out with Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Beshir in 1999. Ironically, Al-Turabi's most virulent critics concur with him. "Some 14 ministerial posts are now reserved for the NDA, the Umma and the factions representing the interests of the people of Darfur. We ask for a third of the government posts," Farouk Abu Eissa, official spokesman of the NDA and the former head of the Cairo-based Arab Lawyers Union told the Weekly. "They give a 52 per cent majority to the ruling National Congress Party in the new parliament," Abu Eissa added. "The new constitution gives President Al-Beshir 52 per cent of government posts and parliamentary seats. It also gives the SPLA 28 per cent. We cannot accept this. The situation is untenable," Abu Eissa warned. Abu Eissa is the head of the Committee for the Implementation of the Cairo Accord, also called the five-plus-five group of NDA and Sudanese government representatives who were assigned to chart the country's political future. He flies back to Khartoum this weekend. It would be the first time he goes back to his homeland in 17 years. Southern parties not affiliated with the SPLA were also incensed about not being sufficiently represented in the new deal. Indeed, in the south, the damage done has already transformed the strategic context. Warring southern factions failed to reach a peace agreement in Nairobi last week. In the west, the situation is slightly more reassuring. The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) -- the secularist Darfur armed opposition group, not to be confused with the southern-based SPLA, and its Islamist counterpart, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), are up in arms against the Sudanese government. They have signed a tentative 17-point framework agreement with Khartoum in the Nigerian capital Abuja, but tensions are simmering below the surface in Darfur. The Sudanese opposition is hopelessly divided. But if the parties put together a sweeping alliance, they can have a say in how the country is to be run. There is still time for the Sudanese government to seek political deals that might enfranchise its opponents. All told, it would be a dangerous mistake for Sudan to relax now that the peace deal has ushered in a new era. But vigilance has to be tempered with tolerance. The international community must help. Donors pledged nearly $600 million in hard cash last April in support of Sudan's peace effort. Unfortunately, not all of this money has been committed, let alone disbursed. If it is not spent wisely, Saturday's ceremonies will bring no long-term benefit. The West's responsibility in Sudan does not end with stopping the violence. Western powers must provide sorely needed aid. Sudan can achieve genuine peace only when its people can look forward to a stable and prosperous future. Arab countries, and especially the wealthy oil-rich Gulf Arab states, have a vested interest in creating an affluent Sudan, which would become the breadbasket of the entire Arab and African region. Developing Sudan is not a matter of charity, but of enhancing world peace and prosperity. It is also a matter of the Sudanese government, with Garang as first vice president, keeping its promises. Anything less would be a betrayal of the memory of the two million Sudanese who perished in Africa's longest-running war. The people of Sudan deserve better.
