, member of the NDP Policies Committee and one of its key reformers, speaks to Shaden Shehab about the hard choices the party must now make The ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) is struggling to come to terms with its poor showing in the parliamentary elections and the picture that is emerging is of a party that has lost a great deal of ground as well as direction, though it refuses to concede that the results are anything other than a victory. Given that the party's parliamentary campaign was controlled by the NDP's old guard, its shambolic performance is likely to heighten tensions between veteran autocrats and a younger generation of reformers who, like Badrawi, believe that the NDP must reform itself urgently if it is not to drift into insignificance. But first, he says, it must recognise the crisis in which it finds itself. That you, a representative of the reformist wing of the party, lost your seat while representatives of the old guard won surprised many. Why did you lose? I don't think the party was serious about supporting me, and there was confusion within the party following instructions issued by the old guard. I also insisted on talking about the macro-political vision rather than about what services I could provide. I refuse to promise money to win a seat in parliament. I always emphasised that any of the services provided to my constituency were from the party and not me personally, despite the fact that this was not the case. It did not help me. And maybe I am not the candidate that people want at the moment. I have to respect the will of the people. Maybe the things I advocate, such as reform and change, are not the things people want to hear about. Is the loss of your seat really a result of the struggle between reformists within the NDP and the party's old guard? That is partly the cause, yes. I do not compromise on my principles and may be I am more transparent than others, who are not taking the reform process [seriously]. I say that out loud everywhere. So what happened between the presidential and parliamentary elections? During the presidential elections the reformists took charge of the campaign, but that was not the case during the parliamentary elections. I think many in the party find it hard to accept reform. The seven million who voted for the president transparently are the same seven million who failed the party two months later. I believe they did so because they believed the president but not the party. And this raises issues that must be resolved. The party should face up to the fact that many of its candidates lost because of the party, not because who they are as individuals. You cannot add independents to your list and then declare that you have won a two-thirds majority. The party has actually won about 35 per cent, the opposition more than 20 per cent and the independents the rest. This is one reality [the party] has to face. If we want to decorate that by saying that the NDP won an overwhelming victory then we will never learn the lessons we should. We are misleading ourselves by saying that the NDP won the way we expected, we are making a big mistake. The coming parliament will be responsible for transforming the president's promises into reality. It is supposed to change the constitution, balance the powers of the president, it has to legislate new election laws, and produce legislation determining the course of reform and this is not an easy task. It needs commitment. This parliament is supposed to move Egypt from point A to point B. Given the make-up of the new parliament, is this going to happen? Not unless the next cabinet [due to be formed next week] is committed to reform. If the new cabinet is powerful and effective it will give the signal that the reform process is back on track. But many will argue that we keep waiting for signals after each political shock and reform is only cosmetic... We have until next week. If a strong government does not emerge then [hopes of reform] are over. It is the president's decision. During the presidential elections there were promises of reform that you repeatedly said were genuine. Yet such promises seem to have been undermined by the actions of the NDP during the parliamentary elections. Are you, like others, disappointed? I am. I am very sad. I believe that the potential of this country is great and I view the MB's victories as a result of the ineffectiveness and bad management of the [NDP]. So you think many people who voted for the MB did so in protest against the NDP? They were saying no to certain faces within the NDP. We have been damaged by the appalling reputation of some of its members. How do you think the party can revive itself and convince the public it is working towards democratisation given the violence, thuggery and vote-buying of the recent elections? It is a major challenge. Reform should cover all sectors, [but] at the very least our political life must be reformed. Political reform is a door to other reform. What happened is a result of the way reform of the party has been delayed. Internal democracy is important. There are different views and the best thing for the leader is to canvas different opinions and then make a choice. During the presidential elections I said repeatedly that the president does not make a decision out of thin air. Reformists propose and others propose and it is up to the president to make a choice. The most important thing now is that the next cabinet signals to the people that reform is serious. Is there a strategy to revive the party or not? I can't see it. If there is no agreement that a crisis exists in the first place how can the party find the will to overcome it? Fortunately, a number of leading figures do acknowledge the party needs reviving. Our role in party meetings is to fight for what we believe in. Do you and the other reformists feel weaker now? Absolutely not. Every crisis presents an opportunity and opportunities can be capitalised upon, or else turned into defeat. It is up to us. Where is Gamal Mubarak and the much publicised new way of thinking? Gamal is still committed to that and I have no doubts about his sincerity and integrity. The fight is with conservatives within the party and sometimes political compromises have to be made. Some observers say that a new party may be the only way out of the current impasse and there are rumours you may become a member... This is more wishful thinking than fact. People were shocked by the election results, that people like Mounir Fakhry Abdel-Nour and Mona Makram Ebeid and leftists like El-Badri Farghali lost. But what happens next is a decision that can only be taken in a less emotional moment. There is a need for political non-governmental groups, and in the wake of the election results new ideas and new forms of organisation will emerge, though what shape they will take I cannot yet tell. We should not give up on our parties yet. What is your assessment of the MB's success? We have to acknowledge its strength. All political parties need a strategy to confront it, and not because they are necessarily opposed. What worries civil society is the use of religion to make political gains. The MB have the right to oppose any view expressed by any political force. What they do not have the right to do is to claim that God is on their side and not on the side of those they oppose. This is the thing that frightens me. The election results revealed that voters do not cast their ballots on the basis of party platforms or manifestos, they see only individuals and what those individuals provide in terms of services. Reform should first target the electorate. That seven million out of 32 million registered voters out of a population of 72 million actually vote is ridiculous. Much of the blame must be shouldered by the NDP which did not use the technology available to clean up voters' lists and make them accurate. The people who voted and made a choice are a minority. It is the right of the Egyptian people to be respected, and everyone should have the right to vote and procedures allowing them to do so should be facilitated. Why was the banned MB allowed to campaign openly? I really don't have an explanation. My banners were removed from the streets while those of MB candidates remained. What do you think about the violations that occurred during the elections? There was great unfairness. Candidates from all parties, as well as independents, committed violations. They were competing within an unregulated arena. We need to do much better. What concerns me is the power of money and thuggery. It is no longer a question of candidates competing with each other, now the candidates hire people to compete and fight on their behalf. I was one of the few people in the party who was for international monitoring and I still believe it would have made the process more transparent. Some observers now predict that change will come about by force, or through a period of chaos... No, there won't be chaos or violence. But civil society needs to be active enough to take a step forward and not just sit and watch. Either we are going to succeed within the existing system or something else will be thrown up.
