Numerous factors pose a threat to Lebanon's sovereignty, writes Serene Assir While the standoff in the Palestinian refugee camp, Nahr Al-Bared, north of Tripoli, continued, further complicating the question of Lebanon's sovereignty, both sides of the political divide strongly expressed their support for the Lebanese army's strong-arm tactics against the camp residents. This unquestioning and unanimous support came from all quarters, covered the entire political spectrum and accurately reflected the fragility of Lebanon's demographic and political composition. Undoubtedly, international propaganda and double- standards in regard to terrorism, and the brutality with which attempts have been made to repress it have fuelled the harsh and uncompromising Lebanese attitude towards the siege. However, this brutal attitude runs deeper in that many Lebanese dismiss the Palestinian presence in Lebanon as not only an irritant, but as a presence that undermines the country's interests. Not too long ago, several prominent political leaders were in involved in the killing of thousands of Palestinians during the Lebanese civil war. Furthermore, the lukewarm statements emanating from strong supporters of the Palestinian cause, such as Hizbullah's Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah in this matter reflect a fear in the Arab world over exactly how to deal with the "terror card". Perhaps outright condemnation would have been strategically foolish. However, Palestinians in Lebanon have continued to be a convenient political scapegoat, even when it was evident that the crisis with Fatah Al-Islam was nearing its end. As the siege continued, seven Palestinian protesters, trying to return to their homes in the camp, were shot and killed by the army, while another 40 were wounded. Human Rights Watch has called for an investigation into the incident. Since the siege broke out on 20 May, 200 people have died, including 85 army personnel. Palestinians in Lebanon have been treated appallingly by the Lebanese authorities ever since they arrived, following their flight and expulsion from Palestine in 1948 when the state of Israel was established. This latest crisis will no doubt ensure that the refugees continue to be excluded from many aspects of Lebanese life. The 400,000 Palestinians in Lebanon face systematic discrimination with respect to education, healthcare, and employment, and are also banned from repairing or building new homes in the camp. And if the concept of humanity appears to be alien to Lebanese politics, further problematic ramifications have emerged from the camp crisis. While the leaders of the various Palestinian political factions worked on a framework to resolve the crisis, with international support, what preoccupied many minds was how the alignment of international and regional factors would influence the final outcome. Furthermore, would the Shia and Palestinians accept an even more exclusivist status quo than the one that already abounds? As the debacle in Nahr Al-Bared ran its course, unequivocal moral support from the US, the EU, and the Arab regimes allied to the US for the government of Prime Minister Fouad Al-Siniora was rapidly translated into material and military support. German warships arrived to patrol the Lebanese coast, while Jordan and the United Arab Emirates sent in military aircraft. The US administration also released strong- worded statements of support for the government, but not even a whisper of criticism over the Lebanese army's brutal handling of the situation could be heard in the Lebanese media. With so many influential political factors rising in rapid succession during Lebanon's recent history, the lack of introspective self-criticism by the various political parties and their desire to see the Palestinians brought to heel is alarming. It now appears that Al-Siniora's government, which looked extremely shaky several months ago, has been temporarily strengthened and able to face whatever challenges are thrown his way as he attempts to put his political vision for the country into practice. According to the German Chancellor Angela Merkel, the provision of German warships was specifically for the protection of Israel. So it would appear that the camp crisis provided the perfect pretext for Al-Siniora's international allies to step up the pressure against potential anti-Israeli resistance. Indeed, it took precious little time for the international focus to shift from the north to the south. Following the killing on 24 June of six UNIFIL personnel in Taybe, south Lebanon, and the firing of three Katyusha rockets from the south into north Israel by an unknown -- but suspected Palestinian group last month, a US army spokesman in Iraq, Kevin Bergner released a statement spelling out the "renewed danger from Hizbullah", as he accused them of being used by Iran to train a unit that killed five US soldiers in Kerbala in January of this year. The US is also afraid that the 8 March Alliance comprising Hizbullah, Amal and Michel Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement will seize the opportunity come September, when presidential elections are set to take place, to ensure that the presidency remains firmly pro-Syrian. Such an outcome, according to the Bush administration, might lead to the establishment of two parallel states, as is the case currently in Palestinian politics. In addition, a UN report released to detail developments on Security Council Resolution 1701 that ended the summer 2006 war, expressed concern for the alleged continuing flow of weapons into Lebanon from Syria, presumably stymieing chances for stability. Just how Hizbullah and its allies will deal with such pressure and allegations is yet to be seen. Thus far, no 8 March leader has condemned either the action taken against the Palestinians, or the international bolstering of the army. However, it appears unlikely that such silence will continue to be the norm, once the proxy war turns against them, as the pro-Israel alliance attempts to undermine the Lebanese opposition groups in favour of a cooperative Lebanese government.
