Freedom of expression, freedom to choose one's religion and freedom to protest against one's socio-economic conditions are all signs of changing times, write Gamal Nkrumah and Mohamed El-Sayed Something is stirring in the world of Egyptian columnists, reflecting wider changes in society at large. Take, for example, Wael El-Ibrashi writing in the weekly independent Sawt Al-Umma about the magic recipe for what he termed a "smart opposition". That is a new term to hit the headlines in Egypt. "The magic recipe for a smart opposition is based on two pillars: first, criticise the government, and even the prime minister, whatever his name is," El-Ibrashi explained. "But don't ever criticise the president or his son or the pillars of the regime or the powerful ministers who control the levers of oppression like the minister of interior as well as Zakaria Azmi [chief of presidential staff], Fathi Sorour [speaker of the People's Assembly] or Safwat El-Sherif [speaker of the Shura Council]. Second, criticise the Muslim Brotherhood on every occasion, whether there is a reason or not. Attacking the Muslim Brotherhood will make [the regime] forgive all your mistakes," he warned. "Criticising the Muslim Brotherhood for the sake of the regime amounts to intellectual and political opportunism." A new generation of commentators are seeking out not just freedom of expression, but radical change. The press has become a focus of the debate about democratisation, making this one of the key battlefields of the fight for political reform. The government's main task, the writer argues, is to act as a punching bag that frustrated people can vent their anger at. "I firmly believe that governments in Egypt are formed not to serve the people, but rather to absorb the blows on behalf of the regime," he explained. The writer depicts the successive governments of Egypt as atoning for the sins of the regime by being harshly criticised in the press. The regime, therefore, remains immune to the indignities heaped on the government of the day. The political establishment itself is unmoved and stands above it all. El-Ibrashi's notes come after a significant increase in the criticism directed at Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif and his government by state-owned newspapers, in a concerted move widely believed to be a prelude to the ousting of Nazif and a number of his ministers. Time will tell, but the country -- and the press -- is rife with speculation about the political demise of Nazif. In much the same vein, Magdi Mehanna writing in the daily independent Al-Masry Al-Yom about the looming cabinet reshuffle sounded the alarm bells. "When [former prime minister] Kamal El-Ganzouri's government was dismissed and President Mubarak assigned Atef Ebeid to form a new government, the decision was 100 per cent wrong from a political, economic, and media perspective. As a matter of fact, it was wrong in all respects. Ebeid's failed government eventually bowed out in disgrace -- after five years in office -- and nobody held the person who took this decision accountable." There was no mistake who the writer actually meant as the main culprit. He called for greater popular participation in the decision-making process. People, the writer stressed, must be consulted and their views taken into account otherwise there will be no true democratic transformation. "The Egyptian people have the right to know the timing [of cabinet reshuffles] and what's going on in the president's head. President Mubarak plays an important, vital role in solving a number of thorny problems in the world," Mehanna insisted. Predictably enough, state-owned and affiliated newspapers sang the praises of President Mubarak, especially after his visit last week to France. Momtaz El-Qott writing in the weekly Akhbar Al-Yom: "these meetings [held between Mubarak and Arab, European and American officials] and their results highlight the pivotal and leading role Egypt plays in the region and in the Euro-Mediterranean region." El-Qott was referring to France's determination to strengthen the Euro-Mediterranean economic zone. Egypt, French politicians concurred, was a pillar of the economic and political stability in the region. The daily Al-Ahram, another state-affiliated paper, also provided wide coverage of Mubarak's visit to France. Editor-in-Chief Osama Saraya, who accompanied Mubarak during his French trip, highlighted the strengthening of economic and military ties between Egypt and France. "There are many projects in the offing, and numerous feasibility studies underway," Saraya disclosed. Concerning foreign policy, but on a radically different note, Abdallah El-Sennawi writing in the weekly opposition Al-Arabi, the mouthpiece of the Democratic Al-Arabi Nasserist Party, highlighted the contradictions and double standards. On the one hand, the US pretends to champion the cause of good governance, democratisation and political reform, and yet it pays only lip service to such causes. A case in point is the controversy surrounding political prisoner and former leader of the Ghad Party Ayman Nour. "Egyptian authorities are dead sure that [US Secretary of State Condoleezza] Rice will not seriously object to the ending of Ayman Nour's political future. This is an [inherent] message saying that the US does not provide protection for opponents to the [Mubarak] regime," El-Sennawi claimed. "We can also say that the US stances are governed by its interests." The author is arguing that the Arab regimes should learn from Nour's case: they can't rely 100 per cent on US support. "Washington will not provide unlimited protection for its allied Arab regimes, and Mubarak's regime is on the top of that list." Continuing with the theme of human rights, Al-Arabi also reported on a significant increase in security force violations of human rights. "The week of security thuggery: demonstrations and clashes in [the villages of] Telbana and Denshwai... and police slaughter [people] everywhere," ran the headline of the paper. Ironically, the paper noted, that in the past it was the British colonial authorities that inflicted harsh repressive measures on the peasants -- as historically encapsulated by the tragic brutality of the British occupation forces in Denshwai, today, it is our very own Egyptian police who inflict punitive measures on the long suffering and hapless peasants. The paper also ran a picture of a group of central security soldiers surrounding and hitting a lone citizen, a defenseless peasant. The newspaper also said that its reporter Hisham Lutfi, who covered the clashes between people and police, was savagely attacked by police officers. Hassan Nafaa writing in the daily independent Al-Masry Al-Yom mused in an opinion piece about the ambiguity that shrouds politics in the country. "Frankly, I no longer understand the way the political game is now run in Egypt. I also don't understand who runs it since it appears there are no longer any rules." Pundits also noted a change in public attitudes. Egyptians are no longer subservient. They fight for their rights because they have no other choice. Mohamed Abdel-Salam, writing in the daily liberal-oriented Nahdet Masr about the menacing challenges afflicting citizens these days, adopted a most pessimistic tone. "The Egyptians have at last discarded their subdued attitude and have started to stage protests. Those [citizens] who face a [serious] problem in water supply and bread will not stay silent anymore because they have nothing else to lose." A sign of changing times. Rights are not restricted to bread and butter issues, but also include the realm of spiritual nourishment. Muslim-born Egyptians must be granted the inalienable right of converting to Christianity, or any other religion for that matter. The newly launched leftist newspaper Al-Badeel (The Alternative) ran a feature about a Muslim citizen called Mohamed Hegazi who converted to Christianity. Hegazi filed a lawsuit with the Administrative Court to prove his conversion in official documents. "Why do we consider a Christian convert as representing an aggression against the Muslim belief? Can we do this with a Muslim convert?" Mounir Megahed was quoted as saying. The right to religious freedom, too, is a vital human right. People in a democratic society must be free to choose their religion.
