Threats are being made against artists and intellectuals who do not conform to the conservative social norms of the country, write Gamal Nkrumah and Mohamed El-Sayed One of the biggest gestures that supporters of the freedom of expression could make would be to champion the right of people of all walks of life to speak their minds. This week a number of pundits expressed their fears that the country and society at large were fast sliding into a state of intolerance and conservatism. Anyone who takes exception to the overriding conservative social norms is hounded and ostracised in the press. Intellectuals and artists, especially, have come under fire. "The freedom of expression in Egypt is at stake. The list of those who put constraints on the freedom of expression has expanded to include men of religion, judges, lawyers, media people, parliamentarians and journalists," wrote the outspoken human rights activist Negad El-Borei in the daily independent Al-Masry Al-Yom . During the past several months El-Borei, chairman of the Democracy Development Group, has unleashed unprecedented scathing criticism of the freedom of expression. "In fact we live in a theocratic state," El-Borei wrote. He insisted there must be no taboos and that everyone should be allowed to speak freely. There are, he said, a number of high-profile public cases that illustrate grave and increasing threats to freedom of expression. He cited the case of feminist writer Nawal El-Saadawi, the blogger Abdel-Karim Suleiman, Minister of Culture Farouk Hosni, talk show hostess Hala Sarhan -- all of whom were threatened, verbally abused and lambasted in the press. And he mentioned the fine imposed on Ibrahim Issa, editor-in-chief of the independent weekly Al-Dostour for allegedly slandering the president. The outspoken writer called for the "dissolution of Al-Azhar's Islamic Research Centre after extremists overwhelmed moderates in it. Its role has been transformed from spreading correct religious opinions into an institution that resembles the notorious mediaeval inquisition. It sequestrates books, prevents religious debate... and terrifies writers, artists and scientists, thus forcing them to emigrate. And those writers who stay in the country receive death threats after Al-Azhar issues religious verdicts proscribing them on the pretext that they are atheists." No one knows whether this week's outburst by El-Borei will exacerbate the prevailing climate of fear and intolerance or will lessen it. Many pundits have no qualms about attacking the government for a long list of sins. The government, they contend, has no right to interfere with people's right to freedom of expression and association. Good governance is a prerequisite of public trust. According to Galal Amin, the distinguished professor of economics at the American University in Cairo: "the government holds the constitution in contempt, and this is not something new. It has been disregarded over the years. And even without amending the constitution, the regime continues to violate it. So, what's new? Nothing has happened to make the regime think of amending the constitution. We got used to the fact that the regime does what it wants without [the need to] amend the constitution," wrote Amin in Al-Araby Al-Nassery, the weekly mouthpiece of the Nasserist Arab Party. He was also critical of the cabinet and lashed out against the manner of bequeathing power to heir apparent Gamal Mubarak. "The Egyptian regime needs the approval and the green light from America to pass the bequeathing [of presidency to Gamal Mubarak]. And in case America approves this plan, the ruling elite would remain and the status quo would persist. This elite will remain submissive to American demands. In response to the Egyptian [regime's] desire to pass the inheritance of presidency, America hasn't given a clear, frank reply. It always procrastinates because it wants to squeeze the Egyptian regime to the utmost... in order to keep Egypt's [regime] in a state of unending tension to secure an ever-lasting Egyptian submission and a fruitful response to [the American administration's] desires." Amin also spoke out against how the government has gone about constitutional changes which he views as an attempt "to change the articles for the sake of its desires or those of the regime, while another group objects to these amendments." The writer argues that the real reason behind the regime's initiative to amend the constitution "is to keep people busy as they think about superficial, unimportant issues since the amendments are unimportant and unreal... or to pretend in front of the American administration that political reforms and a democratic process are taking place... but the US administration is not stupid to believe this as they understand everything happening in the kitchen of the [Egyptian ruling] elite." Meanwhile, Anwar El-Hawwari, writing in the daily opposition Al-Wafd, was sceptical about the regime's clampdown on the Muslim Brotherhood. He warned that referring 29 of the Brotherhood's senior members to military courts was a charade. "What's happening between the regime and the Muslim Brotherhood is part of a secret game between the two sides. Sometimes they reconcile and sometimes they clash with each other. And what goes on between the two sides in secret is much more than what happens between them in public... while the people do nothing but sit in the spectator's seat to watch the regime-Muslim Brotherhood drama. "We never know why they reconcile, but hence the Brotherhood members move freely in parliament, economy, the media and in every aspect of life under the nose and sponsorship of the state. Then suddenly the situation turns upside down."
