Masters of Discourse, Israel Shamir, Booksurge Publishing, 2008. pp696 This latest collection of essays by the controversial Israeli writer Israel Shamir will not disappoint either his admirers or his antagonists. Shamir, definitely the greatest thorn in Israel's own backyard, has known controversy most of his life, notably when he was forced to leave the Soviet Union for demonstrating against the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia. He then came to Israel and served as a paratrooper in the Israeli army before settling down to a career as a journalist ( Haaretz, BBC), translator (James Joyce, the Caballah ), and increasingly a one-man Internet David to Israel's Goliath. He has never looked back, despite the difficulty of publishing his unapologetic critiques of not just Zionism and Israel, but also of Judaism, Jews and Jewry. Al-Ahram Weekly reported in April this year on Shamir's problems in publishing in Europe, where his book Flowers of Galilee documenting the fate of Palestinians forced to flee their lands was seized and burned in France and Spain and his publishers bankrupted. He points out the irony of France persecuting an Israeli Jew (albeit a convert to Christian Orthodoxy) for his writings. In his essay "For Whom the Bell Tolls" he relates how he was brought to a police station in Jaffa and asked to answer complaints from the French Jewish organisation LICRA. "Did you write about Jewish supremacy and world dominion?" a policeman asked. "So what if I did?" he replied. "Every second Rabbi has expressed this view." "Yes, but they see it in a positive light!" said the policeman. Shamir tackles head on what it means to be Jewish ("Jewish identity, as it has evolved in the West today, could be a real barrier to encountering the depths of Judaism"), Judaism (a "dangerous and troublesome ideology") and outsize Jewish control of the Western media, now so significant that there is a wider range of dialogue in Israel itself than in the West. He identifies with Karl Marx, whom he refers to as a Christian and another convert from this "troublesome ideology." He quotes Marx's caustic words: "Judaism is a sordid form of Christianity, while Christianity is sublime Judaism." Shamir is sharpest in his dissection of things Jewish and Russian, reflecting his heritage. His credentials are solid. Like the US commentator Norman Finkelstein (but, more to the point, like virtually all Russians), his relatives suffered and died in the war against fascism. He bravely -- now, he says, foolhardily -- protested in Red Square in 1968. He faithfully served as an occupier of Palestine in the aftermath of the 1967 war and tried to be a liberal Israeli. But what he saw as a soldier planted the seeds of rebellion in him anew, changing his worldview so much that he rejected Judaism altogether. He now sees the collapse of the Soviet Union as a tragedy since it left the door open to world domination by a largely Jewish-run United States, which has provoked wars around the world in pursuit of resources and to control people's minds. What may sound far-fetched at first glance is argued convincingly in Shamir's writings, not least in this fine collection. While Noam Chomsky can put the reader to sleep after five pages, Shamir leaves him or her aghast and absorbed. He notes, for example, that museums devoted to the Jewish Holocaust have sprouted across the West. And that the North American native peoples and the non-Jews who suffered under the Nazis have not been thought deserving of the same reverence and that their suffering has been considered as somehow less tragic . "We must deny the concept of the Holocaust even if the most fantastic inventions of [Elie] Wiesel were absolutely true. The technical discussions of how many Jews died, and how they died, are perfectly legitimate but superfluous -- in the same way that the argument as to whether a whale could swallow Jonah is superfluous to an atheist." When criticised because his articles are posted on far-right Internet sites, or because he uses sources the US Anti-Defamation League labels as anti-semitic, Shamir counters that "every idea stands or falls on its own merits." Though a socialist, he has more in common with "paleo-conservatives" than he has with many liberal leftists who support the concept of a Jewish state and fritter away their energies decrying what Shamir insists is non-existent anti-Semitism. His deconstruction of the term "anti-Semitic" is especially stimulating. He explains that the idea of the Jews as being racially inferior was a short-lived concept born in the late 19th century, which burned itself out under the Nazis. Anti-Jewish prejudice has been a phenomenon throughout history, since today's Judaism is a descendant of rabbinic Judaism, which developed as a reaction to Christianity in the fourth to sixth centuries CE and is the basis of this "dangerous and troublesome ideology" that has culminated in the financial ruin of America and the desolation of Palestine. Is there a Jewish world conspiracy, Shamir asks. "The concept is not needed in order to understand Jewish influence. As a rule, Jews seek to make things better for Jews -- but it is not a 'conspiracy'. There are many Jews in the world media; they have differing views, but they usually agree on certain things; for instance, they try to spike news items which are unfavourable to Jews. The majority of Jews are sympathetic to the US, dislike Christianity, prefer multiculturalism, support Israel -- this is not a 'conspiracy', just their preference." Shamir also has civilised debates with many leading, more establishment theorists, in particular with Chomsky, whom he sees as an important critic of US imperialism, but someone who is mistaken in believing that "the dog wags the tail," in other words that the US uses Israel as a pawn in conducting Middle East policy. As Shamir argues in his essay "Kugel Eaters," the US's Zionist financial and economic elite controls both the dog and the tail. This elite makes sure that Israel gets its US$3 billion a year (and more on the side) and conducts its unending wars as a symbol, or unifying force, for American and European Jews. In effect, both the US and Israel are pawns on a worldwide chess board. He includes a sharp critique of Israeli peace activist Uri Avneri, who was upset when the Zionist fanatic Avigdor Liberman demanded that his Israeli citizenship be revoked. Shamir paints a picture of the Ashkenazi elite in Israel who look down on Oriental and Russian Jews like Liberman for coming to Israel after everything was in place and then criticising peaceniks like Avneri. But he dares Avneri to embrace Liberman's proposal, which would mean joining the 50 per cent of Israelis who have no citizenship, proudly becoming a Palestinian and refusing to carry the blue Israeli passport. Shamir's solution to the Middle East conflict is simple: "Israelis should be de-Judaised -- de-linked from the Jewish People overseas -- in order to link up with the natives. To unite my country in a lasting peace requires first the restoration of the native Palestinians to their natural position and only then can we help the immigrants strike root in the soil of the Holy Land." There are many arresting views in this book. Perhaps suicide bombings are encouraged by Israel? They are an excellent way to kill off potential guerrilla fighters, while killing relatively few Israelis, none of whom are political leaders. They justify the even more rapid theft of Palestinian land, and they are fodder for the Western media. And what about the supposed truism that Jews are natural allies of the left? This was only true until 1948 when it was a necessary alliance of convenience to secure a strong hold on political and economic power during a period of change. There is much wit in Shamir's book to keep the reader going. Jews believe in equality for Jews around the world, but in Jewish supremacy in Palestine. Despite such strong views, Shamir is never strident. The reader is unlikely to agree with all his colourful essays, but he or she will not be bored. There are many fascinating historical detours here revealing Shamir's protean intellect and many anecdotes revealing his warmth and undying optimism about the human condition. Shamir's self-confidence is well earned, and it cuts through the tangles of ideology and prejudice. Nor is he afraid to admit his mistakes. Only a fool refuses to change as the world changes. His online readers group is without a doubt the most stimulating source of ideas for anyone concerned about the Middle East and East-West relations. Masters of Discourse republishes many articles and exchanges that have appeared there, and it is inspired by the Internet era, as is clear from its publication on www.israelshamir.net. Reviewed by Eric Walberg
