Gamal Nkrumah is confident that Sall's poll victory in Senegal points to neighbouring Mali's junta's pressing need for an early exit from power No two snowflakes are alike, goes the old adage. Sunny seaside Senegal and scorching Sahelian Mali cannot exactly be compared to snowflakes, but it is astounding how two sister nations can be so different in terms of their political development even though culturally they are almost Siamese twins. If Senegal is Africa's guiding light as far as multi-party democracy is concerned, Mali is the continent's yardstick for political reform and sporadic setbacks. The Senegalese cast their first ballots 164 years ago starting in 1848 when France granted the culturally assimilated African elite of its colonial territory the right to elect a deputy to the French parliament. Mali on the other hand, has suffered successive military takeovers that have crippled its political development. Last Thursday's coup was merely the latest setback. The coup ended the 10-year rule of the democratically elected President Amadou Toumani Toure. The alleged immediate reason for the coup was the failure of the Malian government of President Toure to curb the Tuareg rebellion in the northern half of the country. Toure, known as the "Soldier of Democracy" who usurped power by force in a military takeover in 1991. However, he handed power to a civilian administration. The world can acknowledge the difference between Senegal and Mali but alas can it celebrate it? No, not even to a point. Senegal and French Soudan, as Mali was called in colonial times, a disquieting parallel with Sudan that split last year into two countries, were joined together in the Mali Federation. The Federation collapsed on 20 August 1960 and Senegal declared itself a sovereign nation independent from the socialist inclinations of Mali's first president Modibo Keita. I personally remember when Mali's first post-colonial leader Modibo Keita frequented Ghana on state visits. Keita's Mali was of course a founding member of the Ghana, Guinea and Mali Union officially referred to as the Union of the States of Western Africa. Modibo Keita was an iconic figure of the anti-colonial liberation struggle. He was an activist in the labour movement in West Africa and proceeded to secure the position of head the Union of French West African Teachers and was embroiled in "Communist Study Groups" across the region much to the chagrin of the French colonial authorities. Keita was elected mayor of the Malian capital Bamako and in spite of French disinclination became an elected member of the National Assembly of France. The French promptly imprisoned him in metropolitan Paris. He was assassinated, they presumably poisoned him in prison, as he died in mysterious circumstances at the age of 61, at the hands of his adversaries, namely the former Malian military strongman General Moussa Traore. Keita who delved into the works of Marx and Lenin to adopt a form of African socialism to the Malian and West African context, won the Lenin Peace Prize. Traore, who eventually ousted Keita in a bloody coup d'��tat in November 1968, was unabashedly pro-West and he capitalised on the socialist ideological orientation of Keita to sully his reputation. The larger point is how best to advance social justice in West African states such as Senegal and interconnect public sector reforms, private business in resource rich countries like Mali in particular and coordinate political developments. After the break-up of the union between Mali and Senegal, the two countries went their separate ways. Senegal was favoured by the French and this has put it in a better position than the less Westernized Mali, whose political establishment has since independence been more anti-imperialist. Against this historical backdrop that the current Senegalese presidential elections after a stumble were carried out smoothly, while Mali's pre-empted scheduled elections with a coup with little concern on the part of the West. Senegalese President Abdullah Wade's decision to change his country's constitution in order to remain in office for a third term provoked much gnashing of teeth. Senegal is no Utopia, and there is indeed a lot for the Senegalese people to wail about. However, unlike in neighbouring Mali, there is no reason to despair over the smooth running of the democratic process in Senegal. For those who cannot bring themselves simply to acknowledge that the country is the only African nation never to suffer a coup d'��tat or military takeover since independence from France in 1960, they ought at least to welcome the result of the latest Senegalese presidential poll. Wade conceded defeat to his onetime trusted prot��g�� Macky Sall. At least 10,000 of Sall's supporters turned up in jubilant mood at the Senegalese capital Dakar's Independence Square dancing the night away and chanting songs and political slogans in celebration of Wade's political demise. "The big winner tonight is the Senegalese people," Sall, a seasoned politician, assured his supporters. "We have shown the world that our democracy is mature," he extrapolated, with an eye no doubt to woo Western donors. The humbled outgoing Senegalese President bowed out gracefully. Wade, himself came to power through the ballot box and amid widespread popular support. He was acclaimed as a champion of Pan-Africanism and had been sidelined by his predecessors for more than a quarter of a century. However, after 12 years in power, reasonably uncorrupt good governance, there were no excuses for Wade to incarcerate himself in an ivory tower, for him to live in a world of denial. He tried his best to pass on the political mantle to his son Karim and paid a terrible price. Wade wanted to be surrounded by yes-men. Sadly for the incumbent, Sall was not one of them. Handpicked by Wade, Sall was prime minister from April 2004 to June 2007. Thereafter, Senegal's president-elect was appointed president of the Senegalese National Assembly. Sall was able to rise so quickly through the ranks thanks to his ability to convince Wade that he was just another yes-man, little suspecting that his favoured prot��g�� would stab him and his pampered darling Karim in the back. But that as they say is politics. Resource nationalism is a question that has concerned Malian decision-makers more than their Senegalese counterparts. Malian civil society leaders and democracy activists can be excused for feeling a little embattled at the moment. They are reeling from the coup d'��tat that occurred even as the country was embarking on developing its gold and uranium deposits. The National Committee for the Redressment of Democracy and Restoration of the State has not issued a statement on the subject, and cannot be expected to do any better at addressing questions of resource nationalism than Toure's ousted government. The coup spokesman Amadou Konare dismissed suggestions that political parties and the active civil society organisation will play a key role initially in restoring law and order. That he stressed was the prerogative of the armed forces. Malian political parties abound, but most survived on handouts by the late Libyan leader, and his largesse kept the country from bankruptcy. The army, if it is sincere in efforts to uplift Mali economically from its current morass, should see whether there is anything that it could do to help. A spate of looting ensued and the African Union (AU) and AU Chairman Jean Ping warned of uncontrollable chaos. The AU issued a statement denouncing the Malian coup as a "significant setback for Mali". It is the first coup in 21 years of multi-party democracy in the country. Taking advantage of the mayhem in Mali, the Tuareg in the north of the country are entrenching their control of the northern Malian strategic town of Kidal deep in the depths of the desolate Sahara. Mali has faced several Tuareg separatist uprising in 1963-64 and again in 1990-91. However, this year's rebellion led by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad presents an altogether more ominous threat to Mali's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Tuaregs of Mali are armed to the teeth by routed runaway remnants of the ousted regime of the late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi who had enlisted many of the Tuareg tribesmen of Mali and Niger and other Saharan and Sahelian African nations into his army. Mali until last Thursday was a constitutional democracy governed by the constitution of 12 January 1992. Executive power, like Senegal, is vested in a president elected to a five-year term by universal suffrage and limited to two terms in office. Toure, a retired general himself, voluntarily handed over power to a civilian. Doubtless, he was prepared to do so again. This is why last week's military intervention is inexplicable. The junta promptly suspended the Malian constitution and dissolved the government. Half of Mali's of 15.5 million people live below the poverty line. The landlocked country is the litmus test for the entire Saharan region of Africa, an area equivalent to the geographical size of the US. If Mali falls, other Saharan and Sahelian countries will follow suit. Mali is a unique African nation with a rich cultural heritage. The North African traveller, adventurer and historian applauded the ancient Empire of Mali as an exemplary kingdom. "They are seldom unjust and have a greater abhorrence of injustice than any other people. There is complete security in their country. Neither traveller nor inhabitant in it has anything to fear from robbers or men of violence," Ibn Battouta observed. The medieval Mali Empire stretched from Senegal and Mauritania to incorporate huge swathes of Saharan and Sahelian territory including modern day Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau, GuineaConakry, Niger and southern Algeria. The founder of the empire Sundiata Keita was a truly legendary figure and forefather of Mali's first president, and is revered today. Among his other illustrious descendants was Emperor Mansa Musa, who pilgrimage to Mecca caused a sensation when he passed through Cairo. During his sojourn in Mamlouk Cairo he gave out alms and purchased so many gifts with the gold nuggets of his native Mali that the value of gold in Egypt and other Middle Eastern countries depreciated sharply, it is said for 12 consecutive years. Contemporary Mali continues to be among Africa's and the world's most important gold producers. In spite of the abject poverty of most of its inhabitants, it had one of Africa's and the world's fastest growing economic rates. In sharp contrast, Senegal's economy appears to be faltering even though Wade's record in sustaining economic growth has been unblemished. Even so, democracy doesn't feed the masses. So Toure is presumably protected by his elite presidential guard in the military barracks in Bamako under the scrutinising supervision of the new ruling military junta. The European Union, the World Bank and the African Development Bank have suspended aid to Mali. The United States which regards Mali as a key state in the fight against terrorism and Al-Qaeda in West Africa has also withheld military assistance even though Washington resumed humanitarian aid shortly after the coup d'��tat was confirmed. Or so goes the theory. Mali has now joined its neighbours to the east and southwest respectively Niger and Guinea in being ruled by military juntas. US-trained Captain Amadou Sanogo was declared leader of the military coup. Mali's airspace and borders remain closed. The whereabouts of Malian Defence Minister General Sadio Gassouma are unknown. "Right now I am in control of the country," Sanogo said. To make the schedule -- countdown to multi-party democracy -- work, Mali's new military strongman has thrown his former boss into jail. Languishing in prison, Mali's jailed leader is as powerless as the country's first president Keita was. "As a soldier, I have my secrets," Sanogo adamantly refused to disclose Toure's hiding place. And, by the way the reader ought to take all projections with a pinch of salt. Toure was supposed to step down as Malian president according to the Malian constitution that forbids more than two terms in office. Presidential elections were scheduled for 29 April. The Tuareg threatened secession. That they did not succeed is testament to Toure's skills as a negotiator. Moreover, the deal Toure appears to have struck with the military is strikingly minimalist. He was after, all, a former Malian military strongman. The current predicament is a confluence of domestic unrest, the Tuareg rebellion in the north of Mali and diplomatic overconfidence resulting in miscalculations on Bamako's part. Renegade junior officers seized the opportunity to claim glory and receive accolades for putting the rebellious Tuareg in their proper place. The lower echelons of the Malian army are underpaid and poorly armed especially when compared with their Tuareg adversaries who are awash with Gaddafi's booty. Yet the scenes of jubilation and the rush of fellow-feeling should not let either the Malians themselves or the outside world forget that life is tough in Africa's Sahelian backwaters. Mali's membership of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the AU has been suspended. "The United Nations is ready to engage with all the relevant stakeholders, including the leaders in the sub-region and ECOWAS towards this end. It is prepared to do so in order to preserve the democratic gains made by Mali over the past two decades," UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon fiercely condemned the coup. One risk is that legislation could shudder to an abrupt halt. It has taken two decades to build a political consensus in Mali. The circumspect balance between the legislature, the judiciary and the executive remain tentatively tense. Legislating may become more complicated, however, once the soldiers consolidate their firm grip on power. Ousmane Sembene's 1960 novel God's Bits of Wood, primarily revolving around the conflict concerning a railway workers' strike during the colonial era, is reminiscent of the contemporary struggles of the people of Senegal and Mali for survival against harsh living conditions. Their struggle against poverty and social injustice is as profound today as it was when Ousmane Sembene's magnum opus was conjured up and the position of workers in both neighbouring countries remains precarious. His seminal masterpiece is considered today a classic of African literature, was partly set in Mali even though the author himself was Senegalese, and is often compared and contrasted with Emile Zola's Germinal. Toure signaled that he understood the underlying dynamics of his country's politics and the predicaments thereof. He has called for a "new deal" with the Tuareg people of the north. Perhaps this was why he was pushed aside. The broader concern is that the soldiers are there to stay -- indefinitely. But this must go beyond tinkering with the status quo. While not perfect, the nascent democratic system in Mali was the most suitable fashion by which the country could live up to its name. The name Mali, the medieval fabled kingdom of ostentatious wealth, itself derives from the Arabic word maal, wealth. The result provides a measure of redemption for Senegalese President Abdullah Wade. His legacy will not be forgotten and it is up to his successor to recall Wade's credentials as a notable leader for posterity. This balancing act will test Sall's skills as a consensus builder. Forming a government under the noses of his political mentors was a coup. On all other measures, however, Sall's support will have to be earned. These two most overwhelmingly Muslim Sahelian countries must bear the cross of Western multi-party pluralism. The Sufi orders that have been the depository of tradition in both countries are now challenged to contend not only with the resurgent Wahhabi-style militant political Islam but also with the foreign-funded civil society groups, rapacious business elites, and Western-trained military "professionals". Can African democracy survive such an unholy trinity?
