In Focus: A plan to save Egypt Exceptional circumstances call for exceptional measures. Egypt needs a parliament of its most capable rather than a hodge-podge of its politically electable, writes Galal Nassar Egypt has become increasingly polarised since the 25 January Revolution and especially since the referendum in March on the constitutional amendments, in the lead- up to which a sharp political battle line was drawn between the "pro" and "anti" camps. Sadly, the controversy over which should come first, drafting a new constitution or holding parliamentary elections, has driven us all into a huge iron cage that has obstructed our ability to move forward towards the realisation of the aspirations of the people. From 25 January onwards, the Egyptian people took to the streets in their millions to call for the downfall of the regime, better standards of living, democratic government and the rule of law, and the restoration of security and stability. These are the demands that we should bear foremost in mind. As a patriot who seeks to promote our nation's higher interests, I would like to suggest a way to free ourselves of the shackles that keep us trapped inside that cage. My proposal rests on three principles: first, the will of the people is above all constitutions and laws; second, revolutionary legitimacy supersedes all laws and constitutional provisions that obstruct the revolution's progress towards the realisation of the higher aims of the demonstrators, enabling the martyrs to rest in peace; third, the solutions we conceive must be commensurate with the Egyptian revolution -- they must be as innovative as the revolution was unprecedented, and they must produce a model for a transitional period that is as unique and inspirational as the model set by Egypt's 25 January Revolution. The way out of the current predicament, which is causing every national dialogue to run aground, is to hold elections for the People's Assembly in September and to defer Shura Council elections or, preferably, to forget the Shura Council altogether. The People's Assembly and the method of selecting it that I have in mind will contribute greatly to reconciling all the feuding political camps. I believe that only an unconventional way of electing a People's Assembly is appropriate to our exceptional circumstances at this time and will best serve to promote the higher welfare of the nation and aspirations of the people. The method that I propose is the following: - The Higher Council of the Armed Forces (HCAF) will set a date for elections to the 550-member People's Assembly to be held no later than the end of September. - The whole of Egypt will constitute a single electoral district. - The HCAF proposes a list of 550 candidates representative of all political parties and movements, university professors and academics, representatives of trade unions and professional syndicates, and the revolutionary youth coalitions. All candidates must be over 30. More importantly, the notion of proportional representation of political parties and political and religious movements should be set aside. Instead, prospective candidates should be selected on the basis of their individual qualifications and, specifically, their capacity to contribute, as public figures, to meeting the demands of the coming phase. - The Supreme Elections Commission will review the list of nominees within two weeks of its publication in print and audiovisual media. - The final list will be put to a "yes" or "no" vote in a national referendum held simultaneously throughout the country. The HCAF will also propose to the people a list of the duties and responsibilities of this transitional People's Assembly. These would primarily be to: - Draw up the general principles to be enshrined in the new constitution, defining the system of government (parliamentary, presidential or presidential-parliamentary), and determining the type of guarantees needed to ensure the civil character of the state and the prevalence of the rule of law. - Elect from its members a 100-member committee to draft the provisions of the new constitution. - Monitor, through its various committees, the performance of the transitional government, to supervise the work of regulatory agencies that would be made fully subordinate to parliament, and to develop any other regulatory bodies needed to end corruption and pursue practitioners of corrupt practices. - Review existing legislation with an eye to eliminating laws that are conducive to the restriction of civil and human rights and freedoms, to weeding out provisions that are unduly obstructive to investment, and to ironing out inconsistencies in the corpus of existing legislation as a whole. The ultimate objective of this process is to create a legislative edifice appropriate for a modern nation. - Form committees to review the parliamentary bodies of both the previous People's Assembly and Shura Council (such as the Supreme Council for the Press) so as to determine whether or not they should be abolished or if retained how their functions and competencies should be redefined. Electing the People's Assembly through a free and direct referendum seems the surest way to avoid the risks that we would need to guard against if elections were held in the conventional way, as is scheduled two months from now. Foremost among the prospective dangers are security breakdowns, a resurgence in hooliganism and rioting, and electoral bribery -- the surest route to the return of large numbers of crooks and swindlers from the former regime. The referendum option will also be a test of the intentions of certain political forces that some have accused of being opportunistic. If they are sincere in their commitment to the higher interests of the nation, then they will acknowledge that these interests are best served by means of an assembly whose members we can trust to have the ability to draft a constitution that will lead us to broader and more open horizons beneath the banner, "Egypt's welfare must prevail". Certainly this solution to the election of a People's Assembly will speed the transition to civil government and an elected civilian president. It will usher in stability and set Egypt on the road to recovery and renaissance, because it will finally, after so many years of sham, pave the way for a legitimate and genuine national dialogue beneath the dome of parliament. The fruit of that dialogue will take the form of laws and legislation regulating the various aspects of life in Egypt. Indeed, this is all the more reason to bring in an assembly whose members offer the highest calibre of political and cultural awareness and acumen. In addition, such an assembly will greatly alleviate the burden on the HCAF. For through its various committees and in cooperation with other government agencies it can assume the tasks of monitoring government performance, following through on the demands and complaints of various sectors of society, and tending to such crucial national concerns such as the Nile waters, foreign policy questions, the food supply and the restoration of security and stability. The assembly's term, which would end with the referendum on the new constitution, would offer more time for constructive political debate. It would also offer time and a more stable environment for the older political parties to restructure themselves, for the new political parties to establish themselves, and for both to develop and expand their grassroots networks. A further advantage of this solution is that the youth of the revolution would have a real opportunity to be represented in parliament (by members over 30) and to appeal directly to public opinion. As we watch the sessions of parliament and the workings of its various committees, we will have the chance to discover Egypt's rising political stars who will be forging their careers outside of old party political and ideological boxes, and who will offer real alternatives to the opportunists and charlatans who won parliamentary seats through bribery, thuggery, fraud and every other conceivable trick that violates the principles of the revolution and the law. We are trying to build a new Egypt. To do so, we need to transcend our divisions and sever the bonds that have held us captive to conventional ways of thought and orthodox political scriptures. We need to think outside those boxes of man-made laws and theories of political science and give full rein to our ingenuity. Then, with the force of revolutionary legitimacy backed by popular will, we will be able to break free of that iron cage and produce a parliament that reflects Egypt's true face, and that will be capable of grappling with the major issues that will shape our country's future. This proposal for electing our next People's Assembly promises a new democratic ceremony as joyous as the day of the referendum when millions of Egyptians took part in their first ever free and fair polls. It will certainly avert the rivers of blood that would likely flow from an electoral process whose consequences society, at present, is too delicate to sustain, or that produces a parliament that disappoints an entire nation.
