Al-Hariri first postponed his visit and then announced a long list of issues which did not suit the Syrians, reports Bassel Oudat in Damascus Four months after his unprecedented "historic" visit to Damascus, Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Al-Hariri was scheduled to land for a second trip this week. He would have headed a large delegation and met with Syrian officials on a scale unwitnessed between the prime ministers of both countries in the past six years. Talks would have included reviewing, amending and activating agreements signed between the two sides in the 1990s, during Syria's presence in Lebanon. Some Lebanese media outlets had reported the visit would take place at the beginning of April, and later said the trip was postponed until 13 April -- as did some in the Syrian media. But the trip did not take place and was postponed without further notice. Lebanese officials denied that there was ever an exact date for the trip, while Syrian officials kept mum about the entire affair. This has become common practice for Damascus, which does not announce any event until the last minute, including visitors coming to meet with President Bashar Al-Assad himself. Despite the significance of the first visit by Al-Hariri to Syria in December, 2009 -- after five years of interrupted relations and animosity -- the content of the second trip is far more important in strategic terms. In the first, Al-Hariri and Al-Assad reconciled after relations between the two sides had deteriorated into open hostility when Al-Hariri accused Assad of assassinating his father, former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Al-Hariri. The second visit would mold the nature and scope of future relations between the two sides, transferring responsibility for ties from the hands of political and security authorities to government institutions in both countries. The postponement of Al-Hariri's visit to Syria was shrouded in mystery and rumour. Some media sources propose that it was delayed because of scheduling conflicts for both Al-Assad and Al-Hariri, including the Lebanese premier's trip to Algeria on 13 April. Other media sources close to the leadership in both countries suggested there were other reasons. Al-Hariri's circles downplayed the incident, asserting that the delay was caused by incomplete preparations, and saying it was merely to review bilateral agreements which are already in place. On the other hand, Syrian sources note that Damascus is annoyed with Al-Hariri for several reasons, including the lax attitude of Lebanese officials in preparing for the visit. Also, that the Lebanese premier did not comply with supposedly agreed procedures for improving relations, such as controlling parliamentarians and officials in Al-Hariri's Future Party, as well as toning down media coverage on the issue of resistance. Other noise included reports in the Lebanese media that Saudi Arabia asked Al-Hariri not to visit Syria, while others asserted that preparations for the visit are being pursued earnestly under the supervision and auspices of Saudi Arabia. The only official commentary on the trip was made by Al-Hariri when he was visiting Spain. He said he would soon be visiting Syria to meet with Assad and discuss with Syrian officials issues of cooperation in the fields of trade, environment, education and banking, and signing new agreements in these areas. Without official commentary from either side about the date of the visit and whether it was actually postponed or no date was ever set, rumours are rife about why Al-Hariri's visit to Damascus was delayed. Regardless of the real reasons behind the delay, it is very apparent that Syrian-Lebanese relations need a reasonable amount of time to recover completely. In principle, the Lebanese want to achieve much more than the Syrians during such a visit. Damascus wishes only to revise some bilateral economic agreements in the areas of energy, electricity, finance and taxes, and hopes to take political ties a step further. Beirut's agenda is packed with contentious issues, including controlling armed Palestinians outside refugee camps in Lebanon -- an issue of major concern for the Lebanese of all political stripes. Other issues are the speedy demarcation of the border between the two neighbours, reactivating the role of the Lebanese embassy in Damascus in the economic and political realm, diminishing the role of the Supreme Syrian-Lebanese Council which supersedes the role of the embassies in coordinating bilateral relations. Also, revising and amending agreements and proposing new ones as needed, perhaps even discussing the issue of Lebanese detainees in Syrian prisons. The Syrians are not comfortable discussing any of these topics with Al-Hariri. Damascus does not want to delineate its southern border with Lebanon until Israeli occupation ends, and has referred the matter to joint committees which accomplished little over the past year. Regarding armed Palestinians, Syria claims it has no hand in matter -- despite the fact that most leaders of armed Palestinian factions reside in Syria and are heavily influenced by Damascus. As for the Supreme Syrian-Lebanese Council which Beirut argues replaces the duties of the embassy and supersedes its authority, Damascus does not want to shut down or diminish its role -- especially seeing it is headed by someone who is very close to the Syrian authorities. At the same time, Syria does not want to review most bilateral agreements which give it economic privileges, as they were signed during Syria's 30-year presence in Lebanon. Officials close to Al-Hariri stress that if the visit takes place at all, it would be a landmark because it would be the first where both sides are equal. The Lebanese will express themselves without reservation and present their vision of bilateral relations and institutions. This will be the basis for a balanced and equal relationship in the future. Meanwhile, Syria believes that it would be more of a morale boosting visit. They have placed discreet preconditions on the trip, including Al-Hariri's relations with Lebanese allies who oppose extensive relations with Syria, issues which will be on the agenda, and the inclusion of a review of bilateral agreements under the Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination Accord. Damascus believes that the Supreme Syrian-Lebanese Council is the most appropriate body to review bilateral agreements. The Syrians also emphasise that political rather than practical results would be the more important outcome of the trip. Some sources assert that Saudi Arabia, which has played the role of mediator between Al-Hariri and Syria, was informed of Syria's demands, and is playing the same role to develop relations between the governments of Syria and Lebanon. Preparing for Al-Hariri's visit to Syria, deciding on the agenda, and preparing bilateral agreements for review all require time and effort, and building trust between the leadership in both countries is no easy task. All this would not be a waste of time if both sides at least can come to agree on the points of disagreement. Many optimists in Lebanon believe the trip will result in improving official ties as more positive steps are taken. Most others, especially Al-Hariri's Christian allies, however, worry that if the visit ever takes place, it will only result in a handful of marginal economic agreements, and long-winded statements to the media about the importance of this historic relationship and the value of future ties. But in the end, the Lebanese delegation will return home without resolving any of its quarrels with Syria.
