UN resolution gives US and Britain sweeping control over Iraq as Iraqis remain sceptical, writes Salah Hemeid The United Nations' Security Council last week lifted the devastating economic sanctions imposed on Iraq following Saddam Hussein's invasion of neighbouring Kuwait in August 1990. The UN vote, endorsed by a 14-to-0 vote, stirred cautious hope among Iraqis as it gave the United States and Britain sweeping control over Iraq's political and economic affairs until a representative, internationally recognised government is installed. The resolution further set a legal framework for the future of Iraq, and gave the go-ahead for companies wishing to invest in the country. It also gave a limited but independent role to a United Nations special representative to help the occupying powers and Iraqi groups create a new government. As expected, the United States hailed the unanimous vote in favour of the resolution. "The lifting of sanctions marks a momentous event for the people of Iraq," John D Negroponte, the US ambassador to the United Nations, said immediately after the vote. He added, "This resolution affirms our commitment to the development of an internationally recognised, representative government of Iraq." In fact, Washington had to make some concessions before it could receive approval by some strident opponents like France, Russia and Germany. In a final concession, Washington agreed to a Security Council review within 12 months to examine how the resolution had been put into effect. France had sought to give the Security Council power to rescind the mandate later. French ambassador, Jean-Marc de la Sablière, noted after the vote that "the resolution which we have just adopted is not perfect, but significant improvements were introduced at each stage of the negotiation." Under the resolution Iraq's oil revenues would be controlled by the United States and Britain. But an advisory board would monitor the management of the new Development Fund for Iraq, which would hold these funds in the Central Bank of Iraq. With representation from international financial institutions and the UN, the advisory board could hire auditors to examine accounts. The resolution also suggests that Iraq's creditors work through mechanisms like the Paris Club to agree on the disposition of the old debts. As for efforts to rebuild a new Iraqi political system, the resolution opened the way for UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to appoint a special representative to work with the US-led occupying forces in rebuilding the country. Annan named Brazilian diplomat Sergio Vieira de Mello to the post a day after the Security Council approved a resolution backing the US-led administration. Vieira de Mello would retain his post as the UN chief human rights commissioner, which he took up only last year. Though it is unclear what role the United Nations would play in post-war Iraq, observers say it would likely be a limited one. Empowered by the new resolution, Washington on Saturday announced the dissolution of Saddam's armed forces. The new American administrator in Iraq, Paul Bremmer, also abolished the ministries and institutions that formed the backbone of Saddam's power structure. The Iraqi army -- including Saddam's once formidable Republican Guard -- had been disbanded, and would be replaced by a new defence force. In addition, Bremmer ordered the Information Ministry, the military and security courts and the Olympic Committee to be all dissolved. Last week, he abolished the Ba'ath Party and banned its members from working in the public sector. Under the latest orders, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis would be sacked and their assets turned over to the occupying powers. The announcement is a highly symbolic act designed to draw close the chapter on the Saddam era. It further underlines Bremmer's determination to assert his authority, and convince Iraqis that a radical transformation of their country is underway. Yet Iraqis who have been anxiously waiting for the 13-year-old sanctions to be lifted bitterly complained that the Americans are behaving like a colonial power disregarding their wishes and aspirations. Thousands have been demonstrating in protest against what they see as US procrastination to install a democratically- elected Iraqi government. Iraqi political figures who have been aspiring with their newly returning groups to play a role in Iraq's future immediately rejected the Security Council's resolution. Adnan Pachachi, a leader of the Independent Iraqi Democrats, scoffed at the Security Council accusing its members of "legitimising the occupation." Top Shi'ite leader Ayatollah Mohamed Baqir Al-Hakim demanded to know why Iraqis were not running their country. "Haven't Iraqis reached the age of reason?" Al-Hakim asked thousands of worshippers in a speech in Karbala, one of the holiest shrines of the 12 Shi'ite imams. "Why do they not have the right to form a government and to manage their affairs?" he asked. "We do not want a war for hegemony waged by the clerics to take power. We want a modern government, but one that respects Islam and its values." Again, it seems clear that winning the peace in Iraq would be more difficult than winning the war, and increasing Iraqi protests are proving this to be the case. The initial steps toward establishing a new Iraqi order are still hitting enormous obstacles. The US has yet to prove that it means real business or get lost in the Iraqi mess its military and political planners have created.
