Two presidents and a bloody civil war in Algeria should have closed the FIS file, but the release of its two leaders, writes Amira Howeidy, gives every appearance of having reopened it They're out and all Algeria is wondering what's next. The government banned TV crews and photographers from covering the event; the prosecutor issued a long list of restrictions virtually depriving them of their political and civil rights; the local media indulged in a frenzy of evaluating the "importance" of their release while political quarters obsessed about it. All of which amounts to precisely the hype the Algerian government wanted to avoid. The icons of Algeria's Islamist movement that rocked the country in 1991, Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) leader Abassi Madani, 72, and his deputy Ali Belhadj, 47, were released last Wednesday after each had served 12 years in prison. The two leaders were arrested in June 1991 after leading weeks of political demonstrations and marches calling for free elections. In spite of their arrests, their party won the first round of parliamentary elections in late 1991. But the Algerian army cancelled the second round of voting, saying it had done so to protect Algeria from the dangers of an Islamist government -- albeit an elected one -- and thereby plunged the country into a civil war that has yet to end. In July 1992, Madani and Belhadj were sentenced to 12 years in prison after a military court found them guilty of undermining state security. The FIS was banned by a court order and its military wing, the Islamic Salvation Army (AIS), took up arms against the military junta. Other more violent groups emerged, like the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), adding to the chaos as violence escalated to daily massacres, mostly of civilians. But as the country plunged into a cycle of violence and counter violence, it became impossible to determine who was behind the massacres as fingers pointed to the involvement of both the -- often infiltrated -- armed groups and the Algerian army as well. Madani, a veteran of the war of independence against France, was moved from prison and put under house arrest in 1997. His firebrand deputy, however, completed his sentence in the high security Bleida prison outside Algiers. Despite assurances from their lawyers and FIS figures that the two leaders would be freed 30 June -- the day they completed their sentences -- very few doubted that the release would actually occur as scheduled. Anti-FIS government figures and generals in the army had vowed to put the sheikhs on trial again for other crimes once they were released, while Algerian Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyehia openly opposed their being freed. The release, then, came as something of a surprise. And though the pair were freed, they face a long list of restrictions. The sheikhs are barred by the prosecutor from speaking to the media, voting, standing for election or taking part in any social, political, cultural or religious activities for five years. Madani complied by signing a statement to that effect prepared by the prosecutor, while Belhadj, known for his defiance, refused to sign. Upon his release, Belhadj headed to the headquarters of Algerian TV, where he said he was arrested for being falsely accused of inciting violence and, as he put it, he "reserves the right to respond to the accusations". "I was imprisoned unjustly for 12 years," he was quoted as saying following his release on Wednesday. Many eagerly anticipated Friday to hear him make a speech ahead of the noon prayers. But the deputy leader of the banned FIS seemed to have changed his strategy for now. Belhadj has carefully avoided the mosques he frequently visited and rocked with his fiery speeches in the 1980s and refrained from making speeches or speaking to the media. Opting instead for the quieter Al- Hameed Ben Badis Mosque in the Dyar Al- Shams Algiers suburb, Belhadj arrived last Friday under tight security, which prevented the media from entering the mosque, confiscated cameras and rebuked reporters for the attention they were giving the FIS. Once prayers were over, complete silence reigned as Belhadj, who was clad in white, walked out of the mosque towards his car. But the moment he raised his hand to acknowledge those waiting to greet him, ululations and cheers rung out from the balconies and windows of the buildings surrounding the mosque. Madani who received only slightly less attention from the media prayed in a separate mosque. The reasons behind the sheikhs' conspicuous silence became clearer on Sunday when six prominent FIS leaders issued a statement urging Madani and Belhadj to comply with the restrictions imposed on them by the government. The statement signed by FIS heavy weights such as Abdel- Qader Boukhamkham, Ali Jeddi and Kamal Kamazi who were arrested in 1991 with the two sheikhs but released in 1994 addressed Madani and Belhadj. It urged them to refrain from speaking to the media "for the time being" in order to avoid revealing any information that could trigger problems and to carefully study the current situation. More importantly, the statement called on the sheikhs to "sacrifice some of their rights" for now, to steer clear of legal condemnation by the prosecutors. The signatories called on the Algerian and international public to reflect on the objectives of the restrictions imposed on the sheikhs "which clearly deprive them of their political and civil rights, which is a violation of the constitution, law, human rights and sets a dangerous precedent with political prisoners and prisoners of conscience". Meanwhile, FIS sources revealed that negotiations were underway between the sheikhs and several parties to the conflict including the former emir of the AIS and the government to announce an initiative by the banned group that might have included a condemnation of violence for the first time. Following intensive secret talks with the army that were spearheaded by then President Liamine Zeroual in 1997, the AIS announced a unilateral cease-fire without consulting FIS leaders. Two years later, Madani who had just been transferred to house arrest, was encouraged to back the cease-fire in return for a compromise with the FIS that would restore legality to the banned group. Despite Madani's support for the cease- fire, negotiations with the government reached a deadlock when President Abdel-Aziz Bouteflika -- apparently under pressure from the army -- announced that the FIS file was closed. Bouteflika followed this by announcing his Civil Concord Bill that granted amnesty for those involved in the civil war, with the exception of persons involved in massacres and rapes. Bouteflika, newly-elected at that time, had hoped the bill would restore peace to war-torn Algeria. Needless to say it didn't. Violence, massacres and assassinations continued unabated. One of the famous victims at that time was the FIS's third man, Abdel-Qader Hachani who was assassinated in 1999 at a dental clinic. His mysterious assassination remains a mystery till this day. Meanwhile political unrest in the eastern Kabylie region added to the complexities of the situation as clashes between the Berbers and police turned bloody in April 2001 after a Berber schoolboy died in police custody. Street clashes erupted between police and Berber militants and more than 100 protesters were killed. Largely backed by France, the Berbers demand their Tamazight language be made an official language. They also demanded that the government's police force, which they accuse of being partisan, be withdrawn from Kabylie. A series of violent earthquakes that rocked Algeria in May added to Bouteflika's problems as 2,300 people were killed, more than 10,000 injured and tens of thousands rendered homeless. Angry protesters attacked Bouteflika's motorcade when he visited the damaged areas -- most of which were economically deprived -- and accused the government of protecting corrupt contractors. Those problems were followed by a severe fallout between Bouteflika and the then prime minister and his former aide, Ali Ben- Flis, a highly respected figure in Algeria, who turned against the president and announced his intention of running against him in the April 2004 presidential elections. The FIS leaders' cautious silence was met with a similar lack of comment by Bouteflika. Critics were quick to link the stances. Many are wondering if the release of the leaders was in fact part of an unannounced deal between the two sides that allows for the FIS to regain its former standing, albeit under a different name, and provide Bouteflika with backing in the April elections. But such an analysis probably glosses over a more nuanced reality. The FIS today is not what it was 12 years ago. A bloody civil war and the weight of bitterness, chaos and dark memories are only just a few of the factors in Algerian politics that separate 1992 from 2003. One thing is clear, the FIS file has definitely been reopened, but this time nobody seems to know who will close it.
