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Facing up to fitna
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 25 - 12 - 2003

Iraqi observers downplayed growing fears of intra-Iraqi divisions, Omayma Abdel-Latif reports
In a surprising show of unity, imams throughout Iraq have been preaching a common message: that Iraqis should remain united and vigilant against attempts to invoke sectarian conflict. "There is a persistent effort to fuel tension and cause fitna [strife] between Iraq's Sunnis and Shi'ites," Sheikh Mahmoud Al-Ethawy, the imam of Abdel-Qader Al-Kilani Mosque in central Baghdad warned his Friday congregates. Al- Ethawy, and many other imams, accused the US-led occupation authorities of fanning the flames of conflict. He strongly denounced the attacks on places of worship, be it mosques or husayniyas -- places where the Shi'ites mourn the death of Imam Hussein, the son of Imam Ali.
The call for unity came in the wake of fresh attacks which claimed the lives of two prominent religious figures. Muhand Al-Hakim, a member of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), was assassinated last Thursday, and Sheikh Usama Al-Faouady, imam of a mosque located west of Baghdad, was gunned down by an unknown assailant. A number of mosques in western Baghdad were also targeted.
Earlier this week, Dar Al-Tableegh, a SCIRI- run religious school in west Baghdad was bombed, killing one person and injuring at least 10 others. SCIRI officials told Al-Ahram Weekly that this was not the first time their offices were targeted. They blamed the attack on "former Ba'athist elements" who want to "weaken the SCIRI and drive a wedge between Iraq's Sunnis and Shi'ites".
Some believe the attacks, which appeared to be motivated by sectarian divisions, have resulted in a heightened sense of tension and anger. However, one Iraqi who spoke to the Weekly said that "press reports of imminent strife were exaggerated." Indeed, soon after the attacks took place, some Western -- particularly American -- and Arab papers painted a picture of an Iraq on the verge of civil war. But the attacks have brought into sharp focus the relationship between the two major religious groups in Iraq that are poised to play a decisive role in shaping the political future of the country.
According to Usama Al-Tikriti, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Islamic Party, the main Sunni political group in Iraq derided news reports which spoke of an imminent conflict as a result of attacks. While he acknowledged tension exists, he nonetheless blamed extremist elements on both sides of fanning the flames of strife. "There is indeed tension on the Iraqi scene which feeds on sectarian differences, and while there are extremists on both sides who exacerbate the sectarian divisions, the occupation authorities capitalise on this to intensify intra-Iraqi rivalry to weaken Iraq," Al-Tikriti told the Weekly.
Observers argue that one reason for the tension in post-Saddam Iraq is that the Shi'ites feel they are finally in a position to claim a share of power after decades of political marginalisation. Western observers contend that sectarian divides are likely to remain a strong factor in shaping a future Iraqi state, yet many Iraqi politicians, including Shi'ite activists, beg to differ. Commenting on the spate of attacks against Shi'ite religious figures and mosques, Ibrahim Al- Gaafary, member of the Iraqi Interim Governing Council (IGC) and head of the Al-Daawa Party, one of the most prominent Shi'ite movements, insisted in a telephone interview that these were desperate attempts to inflame sectarian divisions in order to wreck havoc in Iraq and undermine the state of political cooperation. Speaking from Baghdad on Monday, Al-Gaafary downplayed reports, saying that Iraq presents "a rare model of co-existence among different religious sects". Al-Gaafary pointed out that analyses which highlight sectarian divisions fail to comprehend the complex realities of the Iraqi political scene. Such a view, argued Al-Gaafary, is based on an assumption that the Shi'ites are monolithic, and ignores the fact that they are divided along urban/rural, secular/religious and tribal lines.
"Neither the Iraqi Sunnis nor the Shi'ites think of themselves along religious lines. This kind of thinking does not exist in reality as both sects are interconnected through familial and tribal ties. It sounds absurd to make such an arbitrary division," Al-Gaafary explained.
Many Iraqis would agree with Al-Gaafary's view that throughout their history Iraqis hardly organised themselves along religious or sectarian lines. It was, however, the US-led occupation authority which invoked the sectarian and ethnic identity as the primary criteria for power sharing in post-war Iraq. Clear manifestations of this are the two US-appointed ruling bodies: the IGC and Iraqi cabinet.
Many observers believe that such an exercise was more likely to exacerbate sectarian divisions rather than mitigate them, and would give weight to Iraqi suspicions of the true intentions of their occupiers.
One Iraqi observer told the Weekly that part of the tension arises from what has been accepted as a fact in the Western and Arab press. Namely, that Sunnis are the main group resisting the US occupation. "The Shi'ite leaders have been accused of acquiescing to the occupation, but from their point of view it is only a grace period and their sense of mistrust and sometimes even hostility towards the Americans remain," Ali Al- Saadi, an Iraqi exile, wrote in the Lebanese daily Assafir on Sunday. Al-Saadi explained that the shift away from a non-violent approach towards the US presence in Iraq will be determined mainly by two factors: the intra-Shi'ite rivalry and current events, including the policies of the occupying power.
Some argue that the marginalisation of Iraq's Sunnis in the political make-up of the post-war period has exacerbated tensions. They contend that there is a heightened sense that Shi'ite groups want to exercise a monopoly over the political process and power sharing in Iraq, and that Sunnis have been marginalised because they are considered to have constituted the bulk of the Ba'ath Party membership. But Al-Gaafary dismissed such charges. He pointed out that despite the injustices inflicted on the Iraqi Shi'ites under Saddam's rule, they do not hold Sunnis responsible. "Many Sunni Ulama [religious scholars], like Sheikh Abdel-Aziz Al-Badri and Nazem Al-Amy, have fallen victim to Saddam. Everybody suffered under Saddam and Iraqis are well aware of this," said Al-Gaafary.
According to Al-Tikriti, this awareness has been translated into a continuous dialogue between the Sunni and Shi'ite groups on both the political party and religious establishment levels.
"There are strong ties between the Islamic Party, for example, and both the Al-Daawa Party and the SCIRI," Al-Tikriti said. On the other hand, he continued, both Sunni and Shi'ite religious establishments have a deep tradition of cooperation.
"On such levels, any talk of Shi'ite-Sunni conflict is unthinkable, but efforts should be exerted among average Iraqis to stand up to any schemes to divide Iraq," Al-Tikriti said.


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