On Monday, US Civil Administrator Paul Bremer handed over "sovereignty" to the Interim Government of Iraq in a furtive ceremony, two days ahead of schedule. Not the stuff that independence days are made of. How sovereign is Iraq; what kind of future does the ongoing process offer for that shattered nation; and most significantly, how can a genuinely free, democratic and prosperous Iraq be created? Al-Ahram Weekly, in these special pages, invited Iraqi journalists and intellectuals to provide some answers 'Iraq's long shadow' Anas Al-Tikriti* argues that the rhetoric about the power handover to Iraqis is no more than an attempt to make an essentially ugly situation slightly more palatable The weeks and days leading up to the "handover of power" were always going to be difficult, and most predicted an intensive wave of attacks throughout the country in what was described by George W. Bush as "a final attempt to destabilise the democratic process" in Iraq. The Iraqis meanwhile point out that whilst this may be a process, democratic it most definitely is not. The interim government, largely appointed by the departing American governor of Iraq Paul Bremer and with the apparent, but not so convincing, blessings of UN envoy Lakhdar Brahimi, fails to resonate with the Iraqis on the streets. They had no say in who this government was made up of and have even less influence on what authorities and mandate it retains. One Baghdadi fruit vendor with a remarkable capacity to analyse the political scenarios facing his country bluntly brushed off Allawi's government as "appointed by the Americans and hence will have to answer to them and not to us". His convictions are not isolated, and similar remarks echo throughout Iraq, crossing even the so-called "sectarian" lines the Americans and the British tried so hard to convince us were vital characteristics of Iraqi society. However, very few will dispute that should the interim government succeed in dealing with a security situation far worse than anyone expected, and one which is threatening the very fabric of Iraq as a country, it will gain considerable credit points with the people. Last Thursday, more than a hundred were killed in a number of attacks, most of whom were Iraqis trying to muster a decent living. Allawi came out with guns blazing, announcing that he will "crush the foreign insurgents", while US secretary of state, Colin Powel, spoke exclusively on the "serious problem with the insurgency" ahead of the handover date. But try as they will, the US and British governments, as well as their friends inside Iraq, fail to convince the Iraqis that this is actually not their fault. These attempts became almost laughable had they not been so tragic, when Paul Bremer spoke of the problems caused by "the foreign elements which had managed to penetrate the borders of Iraq". I, as someone born in Iraq, almost fell off my armchair as a result of the audacity of this new-age American viceroy who failed to see that it was he and his country's forces who were "the foreign elements which had managed to penetrate the borders of Iraq", Iraqis will also propose that despite the best attempts of the pro-war circles and despite living under an evil dictatorial regime for a number of decades, Iraq had never in its modern history played host to either "foreign insurgents" nor "suicide attacks". These were brought in with and largely created as a result of the occupation itself and its subsequent practices. Such a collapse in the security of a country in which many of its neighbours -- Israel included -- have agendas to pursue, threatens a variety of vital elements which make up Iraq's tomorrow. In the immediate future however, the absence of security and the rising incidents of abduction, assassinations, burglary and road-side shootings prevent any normality in the lives of Iraqis taking place. Women became bread-winners to crowded families in Iraq as a result of three successive wars, and the fact that now they do not dare venture outside their homes lest they be abducted, killed or even arbitrarily arrested by coalition forces, signals that thousands of homes are left destitute. Children can not go to school, Iraq's major industries are almost completely shut down and therefore levels of unemployment are sky high, and the entire county has been left on the verge of meltdown. Therefore, talk of "handover of power" is normally waived away by ordinary Iraqis, as an attempt to make an essentially ugly situation slightly more palatable. Meanwhile in London and Washington, there has seldom been a date so ceremoniously brandished and talked about, as has the 28th of June. And it's not hard to see why. Understanding the context of elections taking place in both the United States and Britain within the next 10 months, neither Bush nor Blair can afford to continue to have Iraq slapped across their agendas, press conferences and meetings, with all the failings and the scandals that have become so closely linked to a venture that has gone horribly wrong in most of its aspects. As everything went well on 28 June when power was handed over to Iraqis, we can rest assured that there will be major attempts to have memories of dodgy dossiers, weapons of mass destruction, civilian massacres, torture images of the most depraved and perverted nature, all erased, with nothing left but images and news of Iraqis becoming free and enjoying the fruits of democracy. We may even be fortunate enough to hear of an Iraqi child sending Bush a letter of thanks, or another planting a kiss on Blair's rosy cheeks. Whatever happens, 28 June was crucial for not only those who live inside Iraq, but for parties and individuals thousands of miles away as well, although for reasons that simply could not be more different. The recent local and European elections held in Britain, delivered a substantial blow to Tony Blair, as the British people voted with Iraq on their minds. Labour came in third place behind the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats as a result; the worst a governing party has done in living memory, and the prime minister was forced to acknowledge that Iraq had "cast a long shadow" on British politics. Quite an admission from a man who remains convinced that weapons of mass destruction will eventually be found somewhere somehow in Iraq. However, local and European elections are one thing, losing the General Elections, or winning by a narrow margin is another, and something has to happen very quickly to disperse that shadow looming over Tony Blair. The 30th of June is his last hope. The likelihood that the Iraqi people will be concerned for the fate of Blair or Bush in their coming election battles, is extremely remote, unless to say a prayer that both meet their deserved political fate. More likely, they will be immersed in fighting for a living they were told would be dignified, free and wonderful. What they will face as they leave their homes on the 1st of July will be scenes of blazing fires, tanks and military vehicles, heavily armed soldiers, a land ruined by tyranny and war, and a nation on the brink of desperation. Their struggle will continue, as it has for decades. Their biggest challenge will be to continue to stand united, tall and proud of who they are and whom they have defied. * The writer is former president of the Muslim Association of Britain (MAB)
