The Palestinian people face the terrible risk of civil war, writes Khalid Amayreh from the West Bank Palestinian President Yasser Arafat may well be facing the most difficult political crisis since the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA). On Friday, a group of disgruntled Fatah activists abducted Gaza Police Chief Ghazi Al-Jabali for a few hours. A widely despised figure, Al-Jabali reportedly confessed during interrogation to having embezzled $8 million. A few hours later, another group of Fatah militants kidnapped a high-ranking PA officer, along with four French volunteer workers. The five were later released after Arafat pledged to fire Al-Jabali, fight corruption and introduce reforms. The kidnappings in Gaza, which one Gaza journalist described as epitomising a far deeper crisis permeating through the entire PA apparatus, outraged the disenchanted Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei who felt that "enough was enough." Qurei, describing "this lawlessness and chaos" as "a great disaster and a calamity", submitted his resignation to Arafat on Saturday. Arafat did not accept the resignation, arguing that it was "unnecessary and unjustified". However, Qurei refused to withdraw his resignation and as Al-Ahram Weekly went to print, intensive mediation efforts were underway to convince Qurei not to quit. Seeking to contain the crisis, the PA leader initially adopted a few hasty measures in the hope of taking control of the chaotic situation. First, he kept his promise to the kidnappers, sacked Al-Jabali and appointed another loyalist -- Colonel Saeb Ajez -- to take his place. More importantly, he appointed his nephew Mousa Arafat to take the helm of the Palestinian Security Forces, including Force-17, his own Presidential Guard. Rather than calming the situation in Gaza, the appointment of Mousa Arafat as top security chief triggered more anger, for he is as widely held in contempt as is Al-Jabali. This is particularly true among young Fatah militants, and especially to those political figures who returned from abroad with Arafat upon the creation of the PA. Hence, hundreds of rifle-brandishing protesters took to the streets in Gaza, demanding the sacking of Arafat's cousin. "One dog has gone, another dog has come," shouted hundreds of Fatah militants in central Gaza on Saturday night. The crisis deepened on Sunday, when armed men believed to be affiliated with Fatah's military wing -- Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades -- burned down the Military Intelligence offices, headed by Mousa Arafat. Hours later, other militants attacked the Palestinian president's offices in Rafah, triggering a street battle with his guards. At least 18 people were reported injured, some of them seriously. Fearing that the situation might deteriorate even further, Arafat on Monday cancelled the appointment of Mousa Arafat as security chief and selected Abdul-Razzaq Al-Majayda for the post. According to some pundits, Arafat has made two fundamental errors in dealing with the latest crisis. First, he gave into the demands of the kidnappers by honouring his promise to them, thus giving the impression that he will break under pressure. Secondly, he appointed some of the most hated and corrupt figures in the PA to rule over Gaza -- an area which is already restive, by virtue of having been tormented by the four-year Israeli rampage of murder, terror and demolitions that have left much of the impoverished 300-square-kilometre strip in utter ruin. Indeed, it seems for now that Gaza's internal crisis is likely to continue. In Ramallah, the political situation is no more stable. The Qurei government has achieved little, if anything, during its 10-month tenure, prompting many ordinary Palestinians to view it with indifference at best, contempt at worst. Indeed, the government has utterly failed to deal with a host of problems, including the so- called Egyptian cement-gate scandal, in which many high-ranking PA officials are involved. The scandal was exposed several months ago when it was found out that a number of top PA officials reportedly used their influence to import large amounts of cement from Egypt, only to then resell it to Israeli contractors. Rumours are rife that the cement that ended up in Israel was eventually used to build the gigantic apartheid wall Israel is building in the West Bank. Moreover, most Palestinian population centres have recently been hit by a wave of crime, while PA police forces have utterly failed to guarantee personal security for ordinary Palestinians and their property. And while it is true that the Israeli occupation and almost daily military incursions into Palestinian towns and villages have been seriously hindering the efficiency of PA security agencies, it is also true that Arafat has insisted on holding on to all the reins of power and continued to resist the introduction of genuine reforms as demanded, first and foremost, by the Palestinian masses. According to Abdul-Sattar Kassem, professor of political science at the Najah National University in Nablus, this is creating despair within the Palestinian community and may be driving the more disenchanted elements of society to take the law into their own hands. "The problem with Arafat is that whenever he tries to solve a problem, say sack a corrupt official, he usually creates a bigger problem by appointing a more corrupt figure in his place," he told Al-Ahram Weekly. And although large sectors of Palestinian society are becoming mobilised against what could be described as the old guard, it is difficult to establish who is behind the latest events. Some observers in Gaza contend that the former PA Security Chief Mohamed Dahlan led the riots and kidnappings in Gaza, motivated by a desire to fight corruption. However, this analysis is by no means watertight. First, Dahlan's own credentials as far as probity and transperancy are concerned are nothing to boast of. He himself reportedly amassed huge wealth by collecting "commissions" and "pay-offs" from fuel imports to the Gaza Strip. Many Gazans readily describe how Dahlan, who only 10 years ago was an ordinary Gazan struggling to make ends meet, has become one of the richest figures in the area, with a huge palace-like home and an army of cronies and hangers-on vying for his favour, power and money. Interestingly, this is the man who has become the darling of the United States and who is reportedly being prepared to succeed Arafat. It may be true that Dahlan is interested in deposing Arafat or succeeding him. However, it is unlikely that he is motivated by any genuine desire to fight corruption. On the other hand, virtually all non-Fatah Palestinian Islamist and nationalist forces, including Hamas, have expressed their rejection of the kidnappings and subsequent riots in Gaza. The reason is clear: the Palestinian people and their political leaders do not want to fight corruption at the risk of causing the materialisation of a far more dangerous threat, namely civil war. Indeed, even the most adamant critics of Yasser Arafat recognise this danger. Nonetheless, there seems to be growing consensus that Arafat -- now in his mid-70s and in frail health -- must reform or be forced to do so. The shape of Palestinian politics has changed in many ways since the days of Oslo, and a growing number of young and middle-aged Palestinians are now unwilling to accept a leader who holds all the reins of power in his hands, takes all the decisions and controls all the money. Indeed, it may be that the veteran Palestinian leader will have to admit that he has reached the end of his long political career and that the time has come for him to retire in dignity. Many Palestinians seem to agree that the vital task of fighting corruption and building a credible Palestinian political system based on transparency and accountability would be made much easier if the president did step down.
