President Musharraf finds himself sucked into the Iraqi quagmire, reports Iffat Idris from Islamabad Should Pakistan send troops to Iraq? This is the question that has been hanging over the Pakistan government, and particularly over President Pervez Musharraf, for many weeks. But in recent days it has gained new urgency. The arguments for and against sending Pakistani troops to Iraq are relatively straightforward. The pro-troop viewpoint is that Pakistan must support the United States, the world's sole superpower, in its war on terror; failing to back Washington may have unpleasant consequences. And if Pakistan falls in with Washington, former "misdemeanours", including the tolerance of militant Islamist groups and the expansion of Pakistan's nuclear programme, will be overlooked. Pakistan has no choice but to do as Washington requests. But any decision to send troops to Iraq will bring its own set of problems. First, the troops deployed in Iraq would very likely be considered allies of the US occupation force and would be targeted by Iraqi opposition groups. Secondly, there would be a domestic backlash. Disapproval by a population almost universally opposed to the US invasion of Iraq could remain confined to protests and demonstrations. It could, however, also manifest itself in acts of violence and terrorism, leading to domestic instability. The Pakistan government's position so far has been to put off sending troops until several conditions have been met: an official request has been made by the interim Iraqi government; there are assurances that the troops will be part of a Muslim coalition force; and/or until it is clear the troops would be operating under a UN mandate. Many of these conditions have already been met. The official request from the Iraqi government has been received; Saudi Arabia recently put forward a proposal for Muslim countries to send troops to Iraq; and the Iraqi interim administration has UN backing. In light of this, President Musharraf remains under renewed US pressure to commit Pakistani forces. Pressure has also been coming from the other side. Musharraf was sent two very clear warnings of what could happen if he agrees to send his troops into Iraq. On Wednesday Al-Jazeera reportedly received a videotape showing the execution of two Pakistani hostages in Iraq. Raja Azad, an engineer, and Sajjad Naeem, a driver, were abducted on 23 July when the convoy of trucks they were travelling in was attacked. A group calling itself the Islamic Army of Iraq claimed it had captured the Pakistanis and sentenced them to death because Pakistan was considering sending its troops to Iraq. The families of the two hostages appealed to the kidnappers not to carry out the sentences. The Pakistani Foreign Office also stressed the non-political nature of the Pakistanis' work. Spokesman Masood Khan said the hostage-takers "should know that the two hostages held by them are from the fraternal Islamic country of Pakistan, whose people feel deeply for their Iraqi brothers and sisters and pray that Iraq would come out of its current crisis". The video sent to Al-Jazeera showed in graphic detail the futility of such appeals. Reactions in Pakistan to the executions veered between shock and anger: shock at the brutal execution of two innocent workers, and anger at the government for failing to prevent the deaths. Opposition politicians openly blamed the government for the killings, claiming that failure to state clearly its refusal to send troops to Iraq had passed the death sentence on the hostages. Had such a statement been issued, they say, the hostages would have been released. "Pervez Musharraf got my son killed," said the mother of Sajjad Naeem. Even before the executions, public anger had forced the government to add another condition to Pakistani military presence in Iraq, namely parliamentary approval. Securing that will not be easy. On Friday, the government received another disturbing warning. Finance Minister and prime minister-in-waiting Shaukat Aziz was campaigning in the northern town of Fatehjang -- he is contesting a seat in the National Assembly, which would clear the way for him to become prime minister. As the minister was departing the rally a suicide bomber approached his car, detonating a bomb in which the bomber, driver and five others were killed. Dozens more were injured -- some critically. Shaukat Aziz emerged unscathed, apparently saved by the fact that the bomber did not realise his car was a left-hand drive -- he approached the driver's side instead of the passenger's. A group linked with Al-Qaeda claimed responsibility a day after the failed assassination attempt. In a statement posted on the Internet, the Islambouli Brigades of Al- Qaeda said: "One of our blessed battalions tried to hunt a head of one of America's infidels in Pakistan while he was returning from Fatehjang, but God wanted him to survive." Pakistani security forces are investigating the attack, and have made a number of arrests. The possibility of Al- Qaeda being linked with the attack is definitely being considered. Shaukat Aziz is considered to be extremely close to President Musharraf and is a strong supporter of his pro- US policies. Aziz is in fact a US citizen (of Pakistani origin), who left a 30-year career as an international banker to join the Musharraf government. There have been attacks on President Musharraf and other senior military officers in the past, but this is the first serious attempt by Al-Qaeda -- if indeed, it was responsible -- on the life of a prominent civilian leader. Both incidents -- the beheading in Iraq, and the suicide bombing in Fatehjang -- are ominous portents of what could happen if President Musharraf agrees to send troops to Iraq. But with the American presidential elections drawing closer and the Bush administration under pressure to get American soldiers out of Iraq, US calls for Pakistani soldiers are growing louder. The Pakistani president does, indeed, have a lot to think about.
