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Rocky road ahead
Published in Al-Ahram Weekly on 11 - 08 - 2005

As the remains of John Garang are laid to rest the people of southern Sudan ponder their political future, report Eva Dadrian and Atiya Essawi from Juba
The tragic death of John Garang, one of Africa's most charismatic rebel leaders and the main architect of the hard-won peace for Southern Sudan, could have devastating consequences on the fragile Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed recently between the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and its armed wing the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Sudanese government. Without the charismatic figure of Garang, the SPLA/SPLM is now weaker and more prone to internal strife that could lead to the eventual secession of the South. The Sudanese people in general and the Southern Sudanese in particular are still in a state of shock. Garang was to rest in Juba, the administrative capital of Southern Sudan that ironically the SPLA never managed to capture. Achieving a fair and lasting peace in Sudan was one of Garang's hardest won battles. The guerrilla leader turned peacemaker had come a long way when he arrived in Khartoum, just under a month ago, to be sworn into office as first vice- president of Sudan. Now, it is up to the Sudanese nation to walk the last mile. But whatever commitment towards making Sudan "united and peaceful" was displayed on that rain-washed hilltop in Juba, no one can deny that the CPA is under strain. Who will carry the mantle of peace now?
It is hard to believe that in the space of a few months the hardened bush fighters of Southern Sudan, who for the past 20 years fought side by side and sometimes face to face, would drop their guns, slough off their war-worn battle fatigues and revert to being teachers, doctors or civil servants. Dr Samson Kwaje, SPLM and SPLA spokesman in Nairobi once candidly admitted that there were "rotten" people in the SPLA, but he has also added, "in peacetime, they will be weeded out." This will be the hardest task for the SPLA leadership.
Despite being dominated by the Dinka -- the largest tribe of Southern Sudan, representing 12 per cent of the total population of the country -- the SPLA as a liberation movement enjoys strong support among the southern population. Yet it is divided internally, and this division is on tribal lines. A number of factions and military groups have in the past broken away from the movement and formed their own forces; for instance, Riek Machar and Lam Akol, two of the most powerful figures in Southern Sudan. Having engaged a successful dialogue with them the SPLM and SPLA leadership managed to bring them back into the fold in 2002 and 2003 respectively.
But there are still other pro-government southern Sudanese militias at large who could threaten the peace accord; for example, Major-General Paolino Matip Nhial, the commander of the South Sudan Defense Forces whose death was announced and denied last week and whose hands have dipped too often in southern Sudanese blood. Major-General Paolino is one of the most colourful figures of Southern Sudan. Nicknamed the chameleon of Southern politics, Paolino was leader of a militia based in Bentiu -- the South Sudan Unity Army (SSUA) backed by the government. In 1998, he was made a general in the Sudanese national army and masterminded the displacement of thousands of civilians from around the oil fields of Bentiu. In 2003, he fought against pro-government Nuer factions for control of Wahdah province, but lost.
The southern Sudanese, meanwhile, closed ranks and installed Salva Kiir as chairman of their movement. It will be down to him to deal with crucial territorial ambitions, entrenched rivalries, ethnically driven divisions and the competition for positions in the new Southern Sudan political scene. For the time being, however, such matters will have to be put aside to allow Kiir to settle in. Dissatisfied militia leaders, especially those with opportunistic ambitions and alliance-shifting tendencies, will have to come to terms with the new reality and accept it. Reconciliation is the key word and a South-South dialogue is today a prime necessity. Wani Tombe Lako, a southern Sudanese scholar writing in the Khartoum Monitor, warned the SPLA and SPLM leadership as far back as December 2004 that "the next strife in this country may emanate from southern Sudan, and between the southerners themselves."
As one observer has put it, "The CPA is the hope of the Sudanese nation." Both north and south Sudan have invested time, effort and energy into signing the Naivasha peace accord and the CPA. Many concessions have been made on either side and though the result may not to be satisfactory to everyone involved, it is still the map that will have to be followed by all Sudanese. That's part of both Kiir's and Khartoum's pledge.
The problem is that John Garang's vision of a "unified Sudan" was not shared by all his colleagues, let alone by all southerners. Almost 96 per cent of Southern Sudanese are not only for self- determination for their region but for secession. Since Sudan's independence in 1956, the people of the south have been humiliated, marginalised, sidelined, underdeveloped, killed and displaced. Their country is destroyed, their children have become hardened fighters and their families are dispersed in foreign lands. For them, Khartoum and the northern leadership are the oppressors and they do not want anymore to have "to live with the north." They long for a country where they can speak their own language, practice their own creed and wear their own attire without being mocked or ridiculed.
According to the principles of the CPA, there are still six long years to the national referendum that will decide the long-term political future of Sudan. It is only then that the people of the south will decide whether or not to remain in a "unified Sudan". Responsibility, however, in pursuing Garang's legacy of peace and justice does not lie only with SPLA and SPLM. The government in Khartoum has its share of commitments and responsibilities. First and foremost, it will have to stop taking advantage of southern divisions and support the aspirations of its southern citizens. If the sole aspiration of all parties concerned, north and south, is to have real and lasting peace in Sudan, then all parties should work hand-in-hand to make that peace work.


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