Egypt's most influential opposition bloc, the Muslim Brotherhood, is still deciding whether or not to boycott the upcoming presidential elections. Jailan Halawi explores the group's thoughts For decades, Egypt's biggest and oldest opposition bloc, the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, kept a relatively low political profile, while simultaneously gaining street credibility for social programmes that helped people at the grassroots level. More recently, the group has asserted itself in the country's professional syndicates and associations, virtually dominating some of them. These days, with the opening up of an increasingly heated political scene, the Brotherhood has become a force to be reckoned with. According to Islamist lawyer Montasser El-Zayat, the group has no fewer than two million active members and another three million supporters nationwide. It's no wonder, then, as the 7 September presidential election nears, that the Brotherhood's support is being sought out by several presidential hopefuls. The group itself is still undecided -- both on the matter of taking part in the poll in the first place, and if so, as to which candidate they might support. In all cases, the illegal but tolerated Brotherhood is clearly able to mobilise a constituency. In the 1984 parliamentary elections, the Wafd Party allied itself with the group and won 58 seats. Today, without the Brotherhood alliance, the Wafd has four. Recent Brotherhood demonstrations have gathered as many as tens of thousands of people in 18 different locations. The latest demonstration, which took place on Sunday, featured thousands of participants. Speaking to Al-Ahram Weekly, the Brotherhood's supreme guide, Mohamed Mahdi , said the group was "consulting with members and reviewing the candidates' platforms," aiming to make a decision on the matter by next week. According to Deputy Supreme Guide Mohamed Habib, the group is taking its time so that the best possible decision is reached. "We are talking about Egypt's present and future, its security and stability on the political, social, economic and international fronts. And, while we have the option of boycotting or taking part, we need to be ultra cautious as to which side we are going to take, if we are going to take any sides at all." Habib said the Brotherhood's "power" meant that the public's "hopes and expectations [vis-à-vis the group's choice] were "high". He said the Brotherhood was carefully calculating its stance, reviewing all the pros and cons. "No one can blame us for taking this long to decide." Until they do, Habib said, the group is willing to meet with any of the candidates seeking their support. "We believe it is the duty as well as the right of all candidates to contact the public and different political forces to promote their platform, vision and interests concerning the domestic and international arenas. Therefore, we welcome anyone -- our door is open, and we are open- minded about hearing all suggestions by all parties involved," Habib said. Thus far, Ghad Party Chairman Ayman Nour, who met the Brotherhood's leadership at their headquarters on Sunday for an hour, has approached the group. Misr 2000 Party Chairman Fawzi Ghazal also met Brotherhood leaders on Monday. Individuals from the Wafd Party's Supreme Council, who asked for an appointment for their chairman, Noaman Gomaa, have also called. Habib said he was not "sure whether the contact was upon Gomaa's request, or the [individual members'] own initiative." The ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) has also allegedly sought the group's support. Reports have claimed that some sort of deal is being cooked whereby the government would release Brotherhood leaders arrested in March -- including prominent figure Essam El-Erian --in return for the group's support. Habib refuted these claims. The Brotherhood blames the NDP for "the economic crisis that has not only led to the suffering of all Egyptians, but the technological and educational backwardness of the nation, and the marginalisation of Egypt's pivotal role on the regional and international front," Habib said. "With whom, then, are you suggesting we strike deals?" he asked indignantly. Echoing the same opinion was key Brotherhood figure Abdel-Moneim Abul-Futuh, who said the group's only contact with the NDP involved the government "arresting 100 of our members and insisting on prolonging their detention like it was a statement about arresting people who oppose them." Abul-Futuh said the freedom of Egyptian citizens, regardless of whether or not they belong to the Brotherhood, should not be the "outcome of a political bargain. Those detained during demonstrations are innocent people arrested under the unfair emergency law, and are not a tool for bargaining in an unfair deal." When the group organised the massive March demonstrations, noted Habib, they were quite aware of the "heavy handed crackdown that would occur. That, however, did not stop us from voicing our demands -- a real amendment of the constitution and real political reform." The group's demands concerning the constitution and political reform include widening personal freedoms, allowing more political parties and freedom of the press, abolishing all exceptional laws, emergency laws, and emergency courts, allowing judges to fully supervise parliamentary and presidential elections, as well as the release of all political detainees and prisoners of thought. Other "deal" rumours have posited the Brotherhood declining to support any particular candidate, in exchange for the government allowing them to become an official political party. This claim was vehemently denied by , who said, "we do not need anyone to declare our existence. We exist amongst the people -- we are there on the scene, and effective too." In any case, both , Habib and Abul- Futuh said the NDP was welcome to approach the group for support "just like the others". Habib said he felt the NDP were "too self- righteous, believing the [election] is already settled in their favour, and thus they don't need to contact anybody for support." If the NDP were to approach the group, Abul-Futuh said, the Brotherhood would ask that their "demands be met before the elections, since their candidate [President Hosni Mubarak] has the power to take action, rather than just make promises."
