Pragmatic and realistic, Hamas understands well that it must moderate its political positions, and it will, writes Ibrahim Nafie The Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas, has swept to victory in the Palestinian parliamentary elections, wining 76 seats of the 132-seat legislature. It is now expected to form the new government. Hamas, however, is aware that the ideology it espouses and the nature of its organisational set-up and reputation would hamper the working of such a government. Hamas -- a movement that is on US and European terror lists -- has a lot to risk acting alone. So far, it has showed a propensity for realism. Hamas knows that its programmatic call for the destruction of Israel is unacceptable to the West. But the movement cannot scrap its platform overnight. Should it recognise Israel and seek negotiations as a means to political settlement, it may lose the credibility that has brought it so much success up to this point. Right now, Hamas seems to favour a rainbow alliance among various Palestinian factions. And yet, it wants the new government to operate under its control. Other Palestinian factions don't seem excited about the prospect. You form your own government, and we will become the "loyal" opposition, Saeb Erekat said. Palestinian factions have promised Hamas not to engage in any acts of violence that may undermine government policy. It's a tough time for Hamas. Glory, it seems, comes at a high cost. Hamas will have to act responsibly from now on. The Palestinians depend on international goodwill for financial assistance. Any delay in the flow of this assistance, much of which comes from the US and Europe, could spell disaster. And yet Hamas, which has made political capital out of attacking Fatah, is reluctant to make the same concessions past parties made. As soon as the outcome of the elections was known, Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei tendered his resignation and President Mahmoud Abbas called on Hamas to form the new government. Meanwhile, international pressure on Hamas reached a new crescendo. The US said it could not provide assistance for a Hamas-led government. The EU expressed similar sentiment, urging Hamas to recognise Israel and endorse negotiations as a means of a political settlement. Israel, for its part, froze the transfer of funds for the Palestinian Authority. The refusal of Fatah and other Palestinian factions to take part in a Hamas-led government was a blow to the movement. Hamas has two choices. One is to reject internal and international pressure and risk certain isolation. The other is to amend its platform text, dismantle its military wing, and consider accepting a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders. Hamas might decide to form a government of technocrats. That would be a way out, but it isn't entirely practical. So far, it seems that Hamas leaders are revising the movement's position. This should come as no surprise. Hamas has done exactly that in the past. It once refused to participate in elections, saying that it cannot be part of anything endorsed by the Oslo Accords. Then it agreed to take part. Hamas leaders are now talking of a unified Palestinian army, which would entail the dismantling of various militias, including those of Hamas. The movement seems to be contemplating possible negotiations with Israel, perhaps through a third party. Hamas has called for a dialogue with the Quartet (US, Russia, UN, EU) and urged the EU to continue its assistance to the Palestinian people. Even before its victory, Hamas has been revising its thinking. If anything, its win is likely to induce more change. Hamas is at an ideological watershed, and its executive responsibilities are likely to make it more pragmatic than before. If given the time, Hamas will change.
