This week was marked by tests of democratic credentials in East Africa, writes Gamal Nkrumah The past few days could provide no better proof of the manner in which democracy is gaining ground in Africa. But, the past few days also raise some questions about the precise nature of African democratisation and, indeed, highlights some of the pitfalls of democratisation and political reform. These concerns are often used as arguments against too fast a pace of political reform. Whatever the arguments, however, there is a consensus that African democratic development must go ahead come what may. The consensus is that the pace of democratisation must quicken. There is every reason to do this, and no good reason not to. Anything less than vibrant multi-party democracy would perpetuate instability and risk civil war. That was the message being disseminated from both Uganda and Somalia in the past few days. While there are risks in pressing for greater democracy and speedier political reform, it is far more dangerous for African countries to remain undemocratic. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, a new albeit reluctant convert to the concept of multi-party democracy, was elected for a third term by a clear margin amid charges by the opposition of fraud and they cited several serious irregularities. The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) rebutted opposition claims and called the main opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) "bad losers". For years Museveni had grave reservations about Western-style political pluralism stressing that Uganda was not ready, or that multi-party politics was unsuited to African political realities. Western nations turned a blind eye to his undemocratic views and continued to applaud Museveni and his impoverished and landlocked nation as a model for the rest of Africa -- primarily because of his sweeping privatisation, economic liberalisation and deregulation. Turnout in last Thursday's Ugandan vote was high -- 68 per cent. According to official results, Museveni's chief rival Kizza Besigye took 37 per cent of the vote, while Museveni won 59 per cent. Besigye immediately fraud and rejected the results. "There is a big variation in the results coming out of our tallying centre from what the Electoral Commission is announcing," Besigye protested. The Ugandan election takes place against the grim backdrop of a refugee crisis in the Great Lakes region. Uganda's 10.5 million-strong electorate voted for 284 MPs. Several ministers in Museveni's government lost their parliamentary seats, which was taken as a sign of general discontent with Museveni's government. The Ugandan government countered that it was evidence of a robust democracy and ample proof that the elections were free and fair. Museveni has been in power for two decades, and even his Western benefactors are growing impatient with the pace of political reform in the country that was once described by the celebrated wartime British late premier Winston Churchill as the "Pearl of Africa". Indeed, Museveni's Western backers are beginning to seriously doubt his democratic credentials. "Is Museveni following in Mugabe's footsteps," the BBC asked in the wake of the presidential poll. Critics of the incumbent warn that Museveni's Presidential Guard Brigade is run like a private militia. "Red warning lights are flashing," cautioned out-going US Ambassador to Uganda Jimmy Kolker. Uganda was once the darling of Western powers, and the World Bank has long hailed the East African country as Africa's success story. Donors heaped much praise on the Ugandan strongman. In another sphere, health, Uganda is widely acclaimed for being one of the few countries in Africa and the world where the rate of infection of HIV/AIDS has fallen. Museveni, 62, is an intellectual and former guerrilla leader whose strength of character, charisma and political acumen combined to pull the country from the brink of economic ruin and civil war. For that he will always be fondly remembered by many Ugandans. His special place in his country's history is guaranteed. Besigye, ex-military man and medical practitioner who fell out with his one-time close political associate and mentor Museveni, would like the country to move on. Museveni was particularly praised in the West for liberalising the Ugandan economy and launching a vast programme of privatisation. And, Besigye doesn't differ much from Museveni on economic matters. However, the personal animosity between the two men in unmistakable. Besigye and Museveni have fought side by side before Museveni swept to power in 1986. Besigye was after all Museveni's personal physician. Today, Besigye is charged with treason, terrorism and rape. They have also faced each other in the 2001 elections which were marred by widespread violence. There is no love lost between the two men. The incumbent seems set on entrenching his position. But, what about the political position of women in Uganda's nascent democracy? A unique feature of the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary polls is the prominent participation of certain key women. The First Lady, Janet Museveni, is a devout born-again Christian who believes she was sent by God to unseat Augustine Ruzindana, former inspector general of government and FDC heavyweight. Ruzindana lost his seat to the First Lady, but he protested that it was her fraudulent ways and not the will of God that led to his defeat. And, then there is the controversial former lover of Museveni and current wife of his challenger Besigye -- Winnie Byanyima. The widow of the late Ugandan President Milton Obote was the only woman presidential hopeful. Miria Obote, however, publicly doubted that she was a serious contender -- indeed she got less than one per cent of the vote. Still, she seemed to enjoy the exercise and displayed an endearing self-mocking sense of humour. Obote, who died in exile in Zambia last October, was a northerner, but his widow refused to play the regional card, or pander to ethnic politics. Another East African country where democracy was tested last week was Somalia -- a war-torn country that has endured 15 years of factional fighting that has quite literally torn the nation asunder. And while, unlike Uganda, Somalia is not riddled with regional and ethnic rivalries, it is plagued by clan feuds. Indeed, Somalia is one of the few countries of Africa South of the Sahara which is virtually homogenous from an ethnic perspective -- apart from tiny minorities of Bantu groups and Arabs, the country is composed almost entirely of ethnic Somalis. This unique ethnic composition, however, has failed to usher in peace, and the Horn of Africa country has been in the throes of war for longer than its people care to remember. Somalia's parliament met in Baidoa, the country's fourth largest city, to the northwest of the Somali capital Mogadishu. The capital was deemed too dangerous. Still, Somali democracy has come a long way since the Transitional National Government formed in 2000. And, President Abdulah Yusuf Ahmed chided those who stayed away from the Baidoa gathering. The septuagenarian Somali president, a former warlord and self-styled leader of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, hails from the powerful Darod clan, of the six major clans of the Somali people. The former Somali army commander is a tough, no nonsense man. He ruled his enclave of Puntland with an iron fist. "This is a historic opportunity for the Somali parliament, government and people," the president said upon arrival in Baidoa. He addressed the assembly which was held in a food warehouse. And, in sad testament to the sorry state of the country, chairs, desks and other furniture for the meting were flown in especially for the occasion from Kenya and Dubai. The president's chief ally Prime Minister Mohamed Ali Gedi flew with the president to Baidoa from Jowar, 90 kms north of Mogadishu. Both men feel uncomfortable in the capital controlled by rival powerful and mostly disgruntled warlords. Indeed, several Mogadishu warlords boycotted the Baidoa meeting saying that it should have been held in the national capital. Even more telling was the conspicuous absence of the Speaker of the Somali Parliament Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adam who boycotted the Baidoa meeting on the pretext of protesting that the meeting in Baidoa was tantamount to making the central Somali city a de facto capital. Still, the chances of further democratisation in Somalia are improving. This was the first time that the parliament met on Somali soil since it was formed a year ago. And, at any rate some 205 of 275 MPs were present at the Baidoa meeting. With unemployment, lawlessness, crime and corruption rife, Somalia is in a particularly difficult position. Lasting peace and democracy can be imposed only if the Somali warlords, who still hold sway, co- operate. Ultimately, nothing will help Somalia and other African countries break with the past and focus on the future more than the implementation of fully- fledged political pluralism.
