With debate about dividing Iraq resurfacing this week in the US, Sawsan Al-Assaf argues the case against a federal Iraq Iraq needs a model system of government, one that safeguards the country's unity and recognises its national, ethnic and confessional diversity. Iraq's higher national interests must be enshrined in a permanent constitution, one that protects the rights of all Iraqis and defines their obligations. Iraq's intellectual and ideological propensities, as well as its ethnic and doctrinal diversity, must become the foundation of the future state. Many seem to agree that federalism is in order, for it recognises the need to delegate power and give more authority to the provinces. But what kind of federalism is best? Will federalism be internationally acceptable? Will Iraq's regional role impose limitations on federalism? And, most importantly, will federalism bring about harmony or fragmentation? Federalism is not a doctrine, but a form of political decentralisation. It ensures that authority is dispersed both vertically and horizontally. In other words, power will be shared between the federal authority and regional governments. Federalism should involve extensive autonomy for the provinces and an input from the provinces in the formation of federal authority. Under federalism, democracy should be exercised on all levels and with constitutional and judiciary guarantees. The course of the political and constitutional process in Iraq provides us with some insight into the role federalism can assume in this country. The matter of incorporating federalism in the constitution has generated ample controversy. It has become a bone of contention, an issue fraught with tension and approached with hastiness. Clauses 111-121 of the constitution give the impression that Iraq will be divided into separate entities, only loosely linked to the federal government. The constitution speaks of a language, currency and security service for each province. The constitution gives full authority to provinces at the expense of central government. The constitution, as it stands, introduces many divisions and barriers among provinces. Worse, it doesn't allow federal government to have much of a say in provincial affairs. Since the 2002 London Conference, many Iraqi politicians have been advocating federalism without fully understanding the consequences of introducing federalism in the midst of chaos. There are nearly 32 federal systems in the world, and in all central authority maintains a strong hold on major political, military and economic decisions. Federalism as incorporated in the Iraqi constitution is not based on any known model; it can tear Iraq into pieces. Iraqis lived under a centralised system for nearly 35 years. Why exactly should they adopt, and so suddenly, a divisive form of government? In a recent public opinion poll, over 76 per cent of Iraqis said they favoured the current system. Only five per cent said they wanted provinces to be grouped on a regional basis and 12 per cent expressed support for a geographical classification of provinces. If anything, this is an indication that Iraqis prefer to live in a united country. Another poll held in Sunni areas posed the question: Why do you reject the constitution? Nearly 92 per cent of respondents in Al-Anbar, 83 per cent in Salaheddin, 68 per cent in Diyali, 71 per cent in Mosul, and 66 per cent in Kirkuk said they rejected the constitution because of federalism. What these people rejected was not federalism as a form of government but federalism as a prelude for partition. Supporters of federalism believe in one of two views. One view, prevalent in northern Iraq, is that the country is engaged in a voluntary union and any segment has the right to secede whenever it suits its ambitions and aspirations. The other view, prevalent in the south, is that federalism is based on mutual benefits and is a protection against grievances of the past. Many in the country oppose federalism, but with the US throwing its weight behind that form of government, federalism is looming over the country, along with possible partition. The US wants to create a weak and divided Iraq, a country depending forever on foreign presence. Unfortunately, the country is too wounded to fend for itself. The past two years have brought to the scene a multiplicity of rival groups. The Kurds are the most enthusiastic supporters of federalism, followed by Shias. Those who oppose federalism are mostly the inhabitants of western and central Iraq, who still wish to live in a united country. Iraq has not been divided yet, and the country has not yet fallen into the trap of civil war, but the ongoing turmoil has taken its toll. The scheme to partition Iraq is a powerful one, for it has the support of the US. That scheme smacks of the divide-and-rule policies of outdated colonialism. And yet not all has been lost, for many inside and outside Iraq still want to see the country emerge united from its current ordeal. * The writer is a professor at Baghdad University and head of the Political Department at the Iraq Future Studies House.
