Thanks to the majority status of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in Turkey's current government, the new government of Ahmet Davutoglu — the 62nd in Turkey's modern history — sailed through a vote of confidence with 306 deputies in favour and 133 against. But winning a vote of confidence is one thing and earning the public's trust is another. Even among JDP members, four of which abstained in the recent vote of confidence, there is recognition that the country is divided and that not enough is being done to heal the rift. Just as Davutoglu was putting the final touches on his government, the opposition was rallying its forces. The Republican People's Party (RPP), the main opposition party, still reeling from the loss of its candidate in the recent presidential elections, held an emergency meeting to elect a new leader. The RPP presidential candidate, Ekmeleddin Mehmet Ihsanoglu, was defeated by Recept Tayyip Erdogan in the August elections. Ihsanoglu's loss created turbulence in the ranks of the RPP, which is Turkey's oldest party, with many calling for a change at the helm. But when members of the party cast their votes, the incumbent leader, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, had defeated his rival, Muharrem Ince, by 1,181 votes to 415. The result, observers say, is likely to boost the RPP's performance in the next parliamentary elections, due in summer 2015. No sooner had the new government been officially installed than a tragedy unfolded in the central Istanbul neighbourhood of Mecidiyekoy. An elevator fell from the thirty-second floor of a building under construction, taking the lives of 10 people who were aboard. The news came at a time when the government of Davutoglu was eager to tell the nation of the glorious plans it has in store. But the deaths were quickly seen as part of a string of public failings. In May 2014, a mining accident took the lives of 310 workers. Two weeks ago, a new pedestrian bridge collapsed in the European part of Istanbul, killing two people and injuring 10. Some would call this bad luck, but others blame the JDP for what they describe as ineptness on the part of government officials. The JDP's festive mood was further dampened by recent figures released about the country's debt. Parliamentarian Umut Oran noted that the 58 prime ministers who ran governments over a period of 80 years borrowed a total sum of 260 billion liras, less than the 636 billion the country borrowed under successive JDP governments since 2003. While Turkey was slipping into debt, Erdogan and his family were enriching themselves. The president's family owns a fleet of ships, companies, hospitals, and many businesses. Dissatisfaction with the Erdogan family surfaced once more when charges were dropped against his son, Necmettin Bilal Erdogan, and 97 others in connection with alleged financial irregularities brought to public attention in late 2013. Muammer Akkas, the public attorney who opened the case, was removed from office, some say as punishment for daring to indict members of Erdogan's family. Dozens of policemen who investigated the bribery scandal have also been arrested. The main charge against them is rather remarkable: attempting to overthrow the government. Similar charges were levelled against dozens of army generals, writers and journalists. Courts later found the charges to be groundless. Many of the JDP's critics say the government, not its opponents, is breaking the law. Edip Semih Yacin, deputy president of the Nationalist Movement Party, recently accused both Erdogan and Davutoglu of “protecting thieves” in Turkey. Fatih Mehmet Yigit is a former deputy chief of police who was detained in the recent wave of arrests. He says that when Erdogan was prime minister, he was the one deciding what kind of donations the state would make to its friends in the business community. RPP deputy leader Aytun Ciray said the government was closing the Erdogan corruption file for political, rather than legal, reasons. Mustafa Kamalak, leader of the Islamist-leaning Saadet, or Felicity Party, also slammed the government for closing the corruption investigation. The move, he added, reminded him of the decision to close the investigation into the 1980 political coup, in order to protect army generals. In an attempt to shore up its position, the government is trying to get the judiciary on its side. Justice Minister Bekir Bozdag revealed that the government is planning to submit a draft decree to parliament next week that would raise the salaries of judges and prosecutors. The newspaper Zaman called the move an act of “bribery”, saying it was designed to help pro-government judges in upcoming elections in the Supreme Council of Judges.
