Tunisians are preparing to commemorate the third anniversary of the overthrow of the corrupt dictatorship of former president Zein Al-Abidine bin Ali, in spite of the hardships and dangerous turns of events since then. This year's celebrations, scheduled for 14 January, may coincide with the completion of the country's post-revolutionary constitution, its second since it won independence in 1959. It may also coincide with the current government's handover of power to a non-partisan technocratic government headed by Mehdi Jomaa, as was agreed in the dialogue between most parties represented in the country's Constituent Assembly. Tunisians, therefore, may have more reasons to celebrate this year. What is certain is that the country is nearing its “decisive hour”, as many political analysts and observers have put it. This hour could either bring to a happy close three strenuous years of fraught debate, angry exchanges of accusations and threats, and painful and tragic events, or it could prelude worse to come. Tunisians are naturally guarded in their optimism. They have grown accustomed to disappointment, having learned from experience that whenever the storm clouds are about to be dispelled, something may happen that will cause them to gather again. Terrorism remains the most perilous danger. In spite of the news of the arrest by the Libyan authorities of the Tunisian Ansar Al-Sharia leader Abu Iyad, the threat of a bombing or other type of terrorist attack continues to loom, as it did while Tunisians were celebrating the advent of the new year. Nevertheless, political circles in the country appear to be more determined than ever to complete the process of establishing the foundations of the new state as soon as possible. On 4 January, soon after the approval of the national budget and the 2014 finance law in late December, the representatives in the Constituent Assembly began to vote on the new draft constitution. The text had been ready since June; however, events intervened to prevent the deliberation and voting processes. Now the Constituent Assembly is working daily and well into the night to approve the new constitution, after which it will be possible to hold new elections, and, finally, herald the end of the transitional period and the establishment of a legitimate and institutionalised state. At that point, Tunisians will be able truly to rejoice at the success of their revolution. A consensus-making committee has been formed in the Constituent Assembly. Consisting of representatives of the country's various parliamentary blocs, its purpose is to resolve differences over controversial articles in the draft constitution before they are brought to discussion in a general session. In addition, the bylaws of the assembly have been amended in order to provide that the compromise solutions the committee reaches are binding, thereby averting any tensions during the open sessions. Also in the interest of overcoming differences and reducing acrimony, the Constituent Assembly has created an independent electoral commission charged with preparing the forthcoming elections. Some debate has arisen over the fate of the Constituent Assembly once the constitutional drafting and approval process is complete. One body of opinion holds that the Assembly should continue its legislative functions until a new parliament is elected, while another maintains that it should cease to function the moment the new constitution is ratified. In fact, the question has long since been settled by the law governing the functions of the public authorities during the interim period, which states that the assembly should continue to function until elections are held and the permanent foundations of government are established. In tandem with this process, and as a solution to the crisis of confidence between the ruling troika government and the opposition parties, the reins of government will be temporarily handed over to a new prime minister noted for his integrity and independence. His task will be to steer the country following the ratification of the constitution and to oversee the forthcoming elections. The person selected for this task after a series of sometimes heated deliberations is the current minister of industry, Mehdi Jomaa. The choice has elicited some criticism, however, with some charging that Jomaa was imposed on Tunisia from abroad by the US and EU. The US ambassador to Tunisia and the head of the EU commission in Tunis have emphatically denied this. On the whole, however, the choice has met with approval. In the opinion of some of the parties participating in the national dialogue, although Jomaa is also a member of the ruling troika, he is fair and impartial, and they are confident that he will not permit partisan appointments in his administration. Political analysts also believe that Jomaa was an appropriate choice for other reasons. His premiership signifies that the troika has not met with total defeat in the national dialogue, while it simultaneously satisfies the opposition's demand for the resignation of the Ali Laarayedh government, which it had stipulated as a precondition for the resumption of the activities of the Constituent Assembly and the continuation of the national dialogue. In addition, the choice enables the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) to proclaim the success of its national dialogue initiative. The UGTT was the first major body to call for national dialogue in the post-revolutionary period, and it was the chief driving force behind the current dialogue process. Laarayedh has pledged to step down as prime minister as soon as the new constitution is ratified. Accordingly, the expectations are that Jomaa will be sworn into office within the next few days. Meanwhile, he is already under pressure to review the huge number of appointments that the Al-Nahda-led troika government had made in the various ministries and public agencies since coming to power and to consider certain candidates for ministry portfolios. He is also being pressured to focus on what some believe should be the chief function of his government, which is to organise the forthcoming elections. In response to such pressures, Jomaa has stated that he is prepared to listen to all views, but that he alone will take responsibility for his decisions. When he assumes office, Jomaa will be Tunisia's fifth prime minister in the three years since the country's revolution. His predecessors were Mohamed Ghannouchi, Beji Caid Al-Sebsi, Hamadi Jebali and Ali Laarayedh. To many political analysts, this rapid turnover of prime ministers epitomises the instability that has plagued Tunisia over the past three years.
