The National Salvation Front (NSF) seems barraged by criticism from all sides these days. In addition to the usual campaigns of distortion and vilification from the Islamist spectrum (the Freedom and Justice Party and its smaller siblings the Wasat Party, Hadara and Strong Egypt Party, and the Salafist parties in their various shades), it is also facing salvos from the revolutionary youth forces. The former camp seeks to mar the NSF's image in the eyes of average Egyptians by painting it as responsible for the violence in Egyptian streets, dubbing it the “National Destruction Front”, and by branding NSF leaders as traitors, foreign lackeys and colluders in some conspiracy to overthrow the government. The obvious aim of this propaganda campaign is to undermine as much as possible this recently formed political opposition bloc and emerging alternative to the government in Egypt. It is also believed that the Muslim Brotherhood and its cohorts have infiltrated covert cells into some of the parties that have joined the NSF umbrella, their purpose being to act as the Brotherhood's eyes and ears in the front and to submit regular reports on the basis of which the Muslim Brotherhood would plan its next moves and strategies. On the opposite pole, revolutionary youth forces and coalitions are angered by what they regard as the NSF's willingness to lower the threshold of demands and by the slowness with which it responds to events in the street. Thus, from one side the NSF faces a drive aimed at destroying it, while from the other a campaign to galvanise it into action more in tune with the revolutionary forces. The NSF does, indeed, have many shortcomings and many of the criticisms from the quarters of the revolutionary youth are warranted. However, a clearer understanding of the nature of this front and the repercussions of its creation will enable us to offer constructive criticism which, in turn, will help the front to overcome its deficiencies and perform more effectively. Above all, it is important to bear in mind that the NSF is a broad-based bloc comprised of political parties, movements and forces from across the political spectrum. It arose as a response to President Mohamed Morsi's 22 November 2012 constitutional declaration, which precipitated a convergence of political factions that would otherwise find it difficult to find common political ground to rally around. Ordinarily it would be hard to imagine, for example, a meeting of minds between the liberal Free Egyptians Party (Al-Ahrar) and the Popular Socialist Alliance Party, but they came together on the common ground of a national cause, which was to confront the bid of the Islamist trend, lead by the Muslim Brotherhood, to monopolise political control, “Brotherhoodise” the institutions of government, preparatory to dismantling the Egyptian state and reconstructing it in a manner that would pave the way to a theocracy. Morsi's constitutional declaration triggered alarm bells among these and all other secularist parties and forces in Egypt that sensed the peril that loomed over the identity of the Egyptian state and, indeed, over the concept of the institutionalised state and the rule of law. This is what compelled parties and forces that were divergent in political and economic outlooks, and prominent individuals with possible grudges against other leading figures, to converge beneath the NSF umbrella. Indeed, the front deserves credit not just for bringing such different personalities and factions together into a broad coalition, but also for keeping them together so far, in spite of their considerable differences. Clearly the front must have managed its internal dynamics in a way that made its individual components feel that they have more to gain at all levels by remaining in this umbrella than by leaving it. We must also bear in mind that the creation of the NSF sparked a much-needed ray of hope among an extensive segment of the Egyptian public. People can now perceive a viable alternative on the horizon and are heartened by the fact that secularist forces can rise above their political, ideological and — sometimes — personal differences in the common pursuit of the higher welfare of the nation. Of no less importance is the fact that the solidification of the political opposition in the form of a coalition has drawn the attention of world capitals that are now keeping abreast of the news and activities of the NSF and including its leaders in the agendas of their officials during their visits to Cairo. To me it seems obvious that the abovementioned factors were sufficient to arouse the wrath of the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies, and to stimulate their slur campaigns and infiltration tactics. However, the question remains as to whether the NSF will have the opportunity to continue and to forge a concrete alternative to the rule of the Brotherhood supreme guide. In part, this hope is contingent upon the extent to which the NSF can reach out to embrace the revolutionary youth. What policies should it pursue in order to accommodate the opinions and aspirations of the revolutionary youth movement? As we know, the Muslim Brotherhood is gearing up for forthcoming parliamentary elections. It is determined to win as many seats in the People's Assembly as possible. Towards this end it is developing strategies to compensate for the erosion of its popularity among the middle class and in urban areas by securing higher percentages of votes from rural and more impoverished areas. Naturally, it will avail itself of all the capacities it has at its disposal in the various agencies of government which, under the Muslim Brotherhood's political wing, will open the taps to material services and rewards in kind on behalf of Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) candidates. In addition, food baskets will be distributed munificently in rural areas and among the poor. In short, we can expect a massive, heavily-funded electoral campaign that will include political appointments, hand outs and provisions of services much in the manner of the now dissolved National Democratic Party (NDP), although perhaps more efficiently managed by the Brotherhood. Simultaneously, we can expect the presidency to engage in assorted divide and rule tactics with the opposition. It will lure secularist parties into conflict over the “national dialogue” and try to broaden the rifts between them over the parliamentary elections with regard to which the parties are already divided on whether to participate or to boycott. The more these parties appear or are made to appear confused, dithering and at odds with one another and with themselves, the more this will erode confidence within their ranks and their ability to solicit votes among the broader public. Meanwhile, the Muslim Brotherhood and its FJP and allies will continue their campaigning on the ground, promising services, handing out gifts, introducing their candidates to the people early on, especially in areas remote from the capital where population densities are high, participation is high, and bloc voting is high. Therefore, the NSF must make up its mind on whether or not to participate in the elections as soon as possible. It must stipulate loudly and clearly the conditions that have to be met in order for its constituent members to participate in the elections and show the resolve that it will not participate if these conditions are not met. Above all, it is important to convince public opinion that the NSF means what it says and that it does not shilly-shally. In my opinion, the NSF should come out clearly and unequivocally in favour of taking part in the elections once its conditions for free and fair elections are met. Guarantees include an impartial cabinet, an impartial judicial board to review voter registration lists, full judicial supervision of the polls, and local and international monitors. If such guarantees are met, the NSF should take part in the elections with the fullest energies and resources at its disposal. On the other hand, if the FJP/Brotherhood persist in their evasive tactics through calls to national dialogue and the like, the NSF should come out, as soon as possible, with a declaration stating that it will boycott the elections. In this event, Morsi will have clearly taken the path of Mubarak and the forthcoming elections will produce a Muslim Brotherhood version of the NDP parliament of 2010.
The writer is a political analyst at Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies.
