The National Salvation Front (NSF) is attempting to attract more civilian opposition forces beneath its umbrella ahead of parliamentary elections, while simultaneously seeking to enhance its appeal to revolutionary forces that, as they prepare to mark the anniversary of 25 January Revolution, are increasingly disenchanted with conventional political alliances. Time is running out for the NSF to fine-tune its balancing act between political activism and field work, or even to impose cohesion on its members. The second anniversary of the revolution is upon us, with many predicting another fiery uprising to continue the revolution. Preparations are underway for demonstrations and marches whose outcome no one can foresee. At the same time, players in the political game are racing to compete in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The polls will be a battle to restore balance after the dissolved parliament was dominated by Islamists, with the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) buoyed by the support of Salafist forces. The NSF emerged to offset attempts by one faction to monopolise politics, its avowed aim to forge a united and civilian opposition bloc. It had assumed its raison d'être would end once the regime yielded to its core demands which at the time included annulling the 21 November constitutional declaration and withdrawing the controversial constitution written by a Constituent Assembly that it claimed was hamstrung by its lack of civil representatives. None of this happened. The constitutional declaration that the president annulled was replaced by another which failed to meet any of the NSF's demands. The composition of the Constituent Assembly was not revised; the referendum on the constitution was not postponed but instead expedited in a poll marred by irregularities. At the same time, the division between Islamists and the revolution's young advocates opened into a yawning chasm. Clashes on the ground occurred leaving many casualties. Even the perimeter of the presidential palace became a scene of bloodshed. The economy continued in free-fall and the government proved unable to address daily political crises. The NSF, created for a specific set of circumstances, lacking even a permanent headquarters, was forced to continue despite criticisms of its operation and management. Dismantling the NSF would leave the political scene with a large vacuum, leaving it open to the one faction that already holds most of the keys to power and which has no qualms in raising religious banners and promoting concepts that could all too easily lead towards a religious state. The continuation of the “ad hoc” NSF is an extraordinary achievement in itself. The November constitutional declaration and subsequent referendum and preparations for parliamentary elections — which until now it is unclear whether the NSF will contest with one or two lists — all took place against a background of what the presidency insisted on calling a national dialogue. Outside of this Morsi-sponsored talking shop there were growing calls from revolutionary youth movements and forces to overthrow the regime and keep the revolution alive. Throughout these developments each group continued on its path without coordinating with the others. The political regime, with its roots in political Islam, forged ahead to achieve its goals, pretending a democratic process was underway. The NSF tried to stay steadfast, looking for solutions, campaigning and preparing for balanced competition. It made contact with the regime contingent on guarantees for a fair election while keeping up pressure for the regime to abandon its obstinate bias towards the Islamist factions. It is also trying hard to translate the demands of the revolutionary street which is preparing for another uprising. In a press statement this week the NSF reiterated its demand for guarantees to ensure fair elections, emphasising that without these guarantees “the elections will be another avenue to circumvent the will of the people by imposing the fait accompli policies that have already failed to resolve any of the country's problems in the absence of any plan to stop ongoing political and economic disintegration.” The statement, which aimed to outline the front's priorities, also demanded the formation of a national unity government no later than the announcement of the date of elections and insisted on complete judicial supervision of the poll with one judge for every ballot box, elections held over two consecutive days and a ceiling of 750 placed on the number of voters using each ballot box. It demanded strict limits be placed on election spending and then enforced, and that every fourth candidate on party lists be female. It wants the powers of the Supreme Elections Committee to be expanded so it can effectively supervise the entire electoral process, and has demanded an expedited process for complaints and appeals of its decisions. The NSF also addressed the 25 January anniversary. The front — composed of a majority of parties and movements that support a civil state — stated: “Our rally on 25 January will confirm our commitment to continuing the revolution through ballot boxes as long as there are guarantees that elections are honest and impartial. It will also prepare to adopt appropriate alternatives in the absence of these guarantees.” Thus is the condition of the NSF a week before the second anniversary of the revolution, a day most revolutionary youth view as one more step in an ongoing revolution whose legitimate goals have not yet been achieved in the face of an incumbent regime determined to stymie any real change. “Revolution is no picnic,” says Mohamed Al-Sanadili, a journalist and young Egyptian camped out in Tahrir Square. “It is action that eradicates all forms of injustice and intimidation, which is something we have yet to accomplish under MB rule. The revolution demanded bread, freedom, social justice and human dignity, but these are all still absent. We can even say that the regime is deliberately slaying them, baring its teeth. Blood continues to be spilled on the streets without accountability or regard by a regime that knows it has not achieved any of the revolution's demands. Even while it talks about the revolution, it is working against it.” Al-Sanadili and his comrades have experienced all the twists and turns of the last two years. No one in power has so far avenged comrades who were murdered in front of their eyes. They do not intend to celebrate on 25 January, but to launch another revolution.
