Workers politics and the elite politics of “Mahmoud Bey"

Recent polls show most Egyptians share the demands of Egypt's striking workers,for job creation and better wages; yet the so-called democratic elite has donelittle to bring about real reform

“Mahmoud Bey”, parliamentarian and businessman, istalking to a group that includes senior officers in the security apparatus, atwhat appears to be a party just before the January 1977 bread riots. To thesound of background music more befitting a cabaret, Bey speaks about the needto privatize Alexandria's beaches and all public sector factories.
In a scene from celebrated director Mahmoud Khan's1987 film Zawgat Ragul Mohem (Wife of anImportant Man), fictitious character “Mahmoud Bey” speaks about the chaos andmayhem sweeping the country, which can only be resolved by private companiesinstead of the public sector and the state.
“Mahmoud Bey” objects to outsiders invading a world hemonopolises, linking them to the ongoing havoc: "Now the workers aretalking politics… perhaps politicians should now become workers… It's allupside down."
In 2012, the situationis being repeated. The same logic still applies to the political elite's viewof attempts by Egypt's workers, employees and civil servants to protect theirinterests through industrial action. Evenafter the revolution that erupted against Mahmoud Bey's prescription, which heinsisted in the film (produced in 1987) that he will not stay silent until itis implemented, and almost was, ourpolitical elite continue to view workers as a class that must work withdedication and patience in horrible circumstances, while others have exclusiverights to determine their lives.
Who actually understands politics better?
The sweeping majority of our politicians, experts andanalysts adopt one of two viewpoints regarding continued strikes and labourprotests. The first, repeating what Mubarak's regime and state securitysuggested during the Mahalla protests in 2006 and 2008: that the MuslimBrotherhood is agitating workers for its own gains.
Today, some members of the Freedom and Justice Party(FJP) describe the strikes which began after the grace period workers gavepoliticians to choose a president as incitement by security and remnantelements to overthrow and embarrass President Mohamed Morsi. According to thisview, workers are always manipulated to serve subversive agitator politicians.
The second perception is that they are “factionalactions from those who do not care about national interests” but serve “narrowselfish” interests and approach the worsening economic climate from theposition of stupidity or greed.
This accusationis never ascribed to businessmen, who accrue the highest profit margins throughmonopolising steel, cement and other sectors while failing to fulfil their dutytowards the state and society. It is not applied to those same business leaderswhose export subsidies are not subject to the austerity budget.
One political strategy expert at Al-Ahram StudiesCentre even tells us that thewave of strikes sweeping across Egypt will not only destroy the president's100-day plan, but also could hold back the entire democratic process.
Battles continue over mandates, constitutions, legislation,dilemmas of a civil vs religious state, the share of various political forcesin the constituent assembly, and who will participate in the proposedpresidential committees to resolve the problems of the country and thecitizenry.
Against this backdrop, a Gallup opinion poll publishedMonday informed us that the basic demand of the Egyptian people make of theirelected president and his government is to provide job opportunities for theyouth.
Resolving the economic crisis, raising wages andrestoring security come next.
Gallup tells us that these grievances came in the sameorder, irrespective of party affiliation or political views. “Supporters ofFJP, the Nour Party, and the Free Egyptians Party agreed on these demands, andin the same order, with negligible mention of any other demands that partyleaders in Egypt are interested in.”
These results decimate the political elite's arguments sinceworkers (who number hundreds of thousands) seem to be more expressive ofdemocratic tendencies of Egyptian.
What more precise, comprehensive or worthy policiesshould be pursued than the ones that the people demand? The unanimous demand ofstrikers to raise wages and increase employment – otherwise known as socialjustice, which was at the core of the revolution – is a demand of all Egyptiansirrespective of their political views, according to the Gallup poll.
It is the consensual demand that has been long soughtin the face of a polarisation of another kind that is politically manufactured betweenIslamists and secularists . How can a democratic system that does not representthis unanimous demand succeed?
Alternative polarisation
It appears that the actual polarisation according tothis formula is between “Mahmoud Bey 2012” – whether he is a leftist, anIslamist or a liberal – of an elite class whose interests are united againstthe majority of Egyptians who aspire for justice and liberty in dignity andlivelihood.
It is a polarity of strategic interests between thosewho inherited the kingdom and possessions from the pre-revolution regime(representing many who work in politics and attempt to monopolise its realm),and those who revolted and dug a channel to enter the world of politics for thefirst time, to defend other interests which require changing the balance ofpower.
As we saw over the 18 months since Mubarak's ouster,the more heavily-guarded barricades of the old system are those protecting theeconomic interests of the minority. Not a single move was taken on this regard,not even limited reform. Instead, they undercut any move towards the reformsthat were demanded by the revolutionaries: obstruction of minimum and maximumwage; aborting any amendment of the tax system that benefits the wealthy, andso on.
Workers represent the structural continuity ofrevolutionaries, and through industrial action are capable of reversing theupside-down political world, and standing it upright on its own two feet,without illusions. Therefore, the majority of the elite representing theinterests of the old balance of forces have refrained from denouncing the lawbanning strikes and sit-ins and have stood still while the government withdrewthe right to free plural union organization.
This same “democratic” elite is now promoting thecancellation of the 50 per cent quota of parliamentary seats for farmers andworkers, instead of putting in place guarantees that it would genuinely be away of democratically representing a strata that constitutes more than half ofEgyptians. Enforcing the quota in the right way could be a tool for confrontingthe influence of money, business and the hegemony of those controlling themedia and spokesmen for military rule.
Striking workers havetwo characteristics which make them the true the trueembryo of the political vanguard of our revolution: they unequivocally, without middlemen or pretence,represent the majority and its interests, and are effectively organisingthemselves in the political realm, the world of conflicting interests, as thelargest homogenous popular force determined to continue the revolution until itaccomplishes its goals.
Thank you, Mahmoud Bey. We will not need you or thehavoc your policies have wreaked. The workers live, practice and understand ourpolitics well, and will reverse the situation.